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Wayne Cowdrey, et al.
Who Really Wrote The Book of Mormon? The Spalding Enigma St. Louis: Concordia Pub. House, 2005 ISBN: 0758605277 Title page Contents Foreword Preface Introduction excerpts Comments Errata Lit. Index |
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Who Really Wrote THE BOOK OF MORMON?
WAYNE L. COWDREY HOWARD A. DAVIS ARTHUR VANICK C O N C O R D I A P U B L I S H I N G H O U S E S A I N T L O U I S |
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[ 13 ] PREFACE by Dale R. Broadhurst 1 According to a story that is probably more apocryphal than factual, on January 27, 1840, Mormon prophet Joseph Smith reportedly appeared before a large audience of prominent persons in Washington D. C. and delivered a prophecy concerning an eminent Protestant minister who had been preaching sermons in the nation's capital against the Mormons and their self-proclaimed sacred writings. Dr. Robert D. Foster, physician to the Mormon leaders then visiting Washington, recalled that President Martin Van Buren, Senator Henry Clay, Senator Thomas H. Benton, Representative John Quincy Adams and "many other celebrated characters" were present when Joseph Smith prophesied utter doom and destruction against the Rev. George Grimston Cookman, Chaplain of the United States Senate. |
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INTRODUCTION So long as a mystery hangs over the origin of The Book of Mormon, so long will the name of Solomon Spalding be associated with a creed which was formulated years after his death, and with a church of which he had never heard.One of the richest, most influential, and fastest growing religious organizations in the world is the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, with headquarters in Salt Lake City, Utah. Also known as the Mormons, the Church is renowned for its aggressive missionary activities, its virtual stranglehold on Utah politics, and its long history of shrewd financial dealings that have made it a force to be reckoned with. However, few are aware of a fascinating body of evidence that has continued to accumulate over the years and, despite efforts by pro-Mormon scholars to deny or dismiss it, has grown to such proportion that it now poses a significant challenge to history itself. At stake is nothing less than the Church's most sacred text, The Book of Mormon. At issue is whether this long-revered book is actually a valuable, historical record of pre-Columbian North America or a deception of the first order, perpetrated upon the gullible and the credulous by the very founder of the Church himself, Prophet Joseph Smith. 2 18 (pages 18-22 not transcribed) |
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2 MEMORIES Hurlburt [sic] is one of the most notorious rascals in the western country. He was first Cut off from our society for an attempt at seduction and crime, and secondly he was laid under bonds in Geauga county, Ohio, for threatening to murder Joseph Smith, Jr.... Now what but falsehood could be expected from such a person?With Solomon Spalding's Manuscript Story – Conneaut Creek, the Manchester/Palmyra affidavits, and other documents in hand, Doctor Philastus Hurlbut left New York for Ohio, arriving about December 18, 1833. Just before departing, however, he paid a friendly visit to Pomeroy Tucker, editor of the Palmyra (NY) Wayne Sentinel, and left him with this announcement: The Mormon Mystery Developed Doct. P. Hurlbert [sic], of Kirtland, Ohio, who has been engaged for some time in different parts of this state, but chiefly in this neighborhood, on behalf of his fellow-townsmen, in the pursuit of facts and information concerning the origin and design of The Book of Mormon... requests us to say, that he has succeeded in accomplishing the object of his mission, and that an authentic history of the whole affair will shortly be given to the public. The original manuscript of the Book was written some thirty years since, by a respectable clergyman, now deceased, whose name we are not permitted to give. It was designed to be published as a romance, but the author died soon after it was written; and hence the plan failed. The 58 pretended religious character of the work has been superadded by some more modern hand -- believed to be the notorious Rigdon. These particulars have been derived by Dr. Hurlbert from the widow of the author of the original manuscript. 2 In perspective, the most important part of this composition is the final two sentences, which suggest that Doctor Hurlbut had failed to grasp the significance of Sidney Rigdon's role in the Spalding Enigma until after his visit to the widow. Although Rigdon had been publicly suspected as early as 1831 of having been a shady, behind-the-scenes player in the production of The Book of Mormon, by all indications it was the former Mrs. Spalding's testimony that first connected him with the removal of her late husband's manuscript from the Pattersons' shop. In fact, it seems doubtful that Hurlbut even knew Rigdon had roots in the Pittsburgh area until this point. Had he caught on to this extremely important link somewhat earlier, Hurlbut's investigations might have been considerably more fruitful. In any case, as soon as was feasible, possibly on Friday, December 20, 1833, Doctor Hurlbut laid his findings before the Citizens' Committee. The next day, he held another public lecture, perhaps the one Painesville editor and publisher Eber D. Howe speaks of having attended. 3 It was during this event that Hurlbut allowed himself to become overly exuberant and, in what was soon to prove an extremely unfortunate choice of expressions, made the mistake of threatening to "kill" Joseph Smith. Judge J. C. Dowen testifies: I heard Dr. P. Hurlbut, who had been a Mormon Preacher, preach a good sermon and then deliver his first lecture in the Methodist Church in Kirtland, Ohio, on the origin of He said he had been in New York and Pennsylvania and had obtained a copy of Spaulding's Manuscript Found. He read selections from it [and] then the same from The Book of Mormon. He said the historical part of it was the same as Spaulding's Manuscript Found. He read numerous affidavits from parties in N. Y. and Penn. showing the disreputable character of the Mormon Smith Family. 59 at Painesville, Ohio. He was brought to trial and over 50 [sic] witnesses were called. The trial lasted several days and he was bound over to appear at the Court of Common Pleas at Chardon. 4 Although Judge Dowen says he did not issue his writ against Hurlbut until December 27, the Geauga County court docket indicates Joseph Smith lodged his complaint on December 21, further reinforcing the conclusion that Hurlbut had made his remark about "killing" Smith earlier that same day. 5 Unfortunately, Doctor Hurlbut's exuberance at this moment of apparent triumph seems to have spilled over into other areas as well. Although he was unmistakably aware that Solomon Spalding's Manuscript Story -- Conneaut Creek was not the manuscript he had been seeking, others, such as Judge Dowen, who had contact with Hurlbut during this time were at least partially convinced that it was the correct document. While Hurlbut, and subsequently Eber Howe, later did what they could to clarify the issue, a myth had begun, continuing to this day, that Hurlbut did obtain A Manuscript Found from the widow's trunk, and that either he or Howe (or both) surreptitiously sold it to Joseph Smith for a large sum of money, after which Smith destroyed it. Although several writers over the years, most notably Solomon Spalding's grandniece Ellen E. Dickinson and her contemporary Arthur B. Deming (both essentially anti-Mormons), have espoused this view, and though various members of the Spalding/McKinstry family, including Spalding's daughter Matilda McKinstry, continued to adhere to it for many years thereafter, the evidence actually stacks up against them. 6 All things considered, there is but scant reason to believe that Hurlbut got anything except an earlier Spalding composition called Manuscript Story -- Conneaut Creek, and every reason to accept that he knew that the prize had eluded him. By the time he got to that trunk in Hartwick in the fall of 1833, A Manuscript Found had already been lost or misplaced, and so it remains to this day. Proof that Doctor Hurlbut never had A Manuscript Found in his possession and that he recognized the difference between it and Manuscript Story -- Conneaut Creek lies in the fact that at the end of December 1833, only days after Judge Dowen's writ had been lodged against him, 7 Hurlbut returned to Conneaut with Manuscript Story -- Conneaut Creek in hand and showed it to several key witnesses who, upon examination, quickly recognized that it was indeed Spalding's work, but verified that it was definitely not A Manuscript Found. Once again, such is hardly the behavior of one intent upon subterfuge and deceit. 60 (pages 60-76 not transcribed) |
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3 SYNCHRONICITIES [T]he two leading sects of Mormons have published this first manuscript [Spalding's Manuscript Story – Conneaut Creek] as a refutation of a theory which no one ever advocated, viz. That the manuscript now at Oberlin was the thing from which Smith et al. plagiarized The Book of Mormon. Everyone agrees that when Doctor Philastus Hurlbut returned to Ohio in December 1833, he brought with him at least one manuscript obtained from Mrs. Davison's old hair trunk in Hartwick, New York. This, wrapped in brown paper and tied with a string, bore the title Manuscript Story – Conneaut Creek, and, as we have seen, was clearly not A Manuscript Found for which he had been searching. Ultimately it was turned over to Eber D. Howe, along with Hurlbut's other notes and materials, and became the subject of a brief synopsis in Howe's 1834 book Mormonism Unvailed. Because it was not A Manuscript Found, Hurlbut placed little value upon it and soon misplaced it amidst the clutter of his printing business. When asked many years later, he said he believed it had been destroyed in the Painesville (OH) Telegraph office fire about 1841. 2 In August 1884, however, Lewis L. Rice of Honolulu, Hawaii, one of Eber Howe's successors as editor of the Painesville (OH) Telegraph from about 1838 to 1840, was looking for anti-slavery material in a heap of old papers and documents that he brought from Ohio many years earlier. In this, he accidentally stumbled across Manuscript Story – Conneaut Creek still wrapped in 78 (pages 78-98 not transcribed) |
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4 THE LETTER Pro-Mormon historians have traditionally relied upon four arguments in dismissing the Spalding Enigma: (1) that Solomon Spalding wrote only a single novel, Manuscript Story – Conneaut Creek; (2) that Doctor Hurlbut's hateful desire to destroy Joseph Smith and the Church renders his evidence hopelessly biased and unacceptable; (3) that Sidney Rigdon was not in Pittsburgh until 1822 and never had any connections with the print shops there; and (4) that Rigdon's first contact with Joseph Smith took place in late 1830, many months after The Book of Mormon had already been published. Having already dismissed the first two objections, let us now turn our attention to the third. The Rev. Sidney Rigdon was born February 19, 1793, in what was then the United States' western frontier, the green, rolling hills of southwestern Pennsylvania, near the present town of Library. It is said that he received only the rudiments of education at a small country school not far from his home. 2 During this time, young Sidney "was never known to play with the boys; reading books was the greatest pleasure he could get." 3 Possessed of an excellent memory, he could recall "everything he read and in this way laid up a fund of Knowledge that was of great value to him in later years." 4 Even Sidney 100 (pages 100-146 not transcribed) |
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6 HAT TRICK "Now," said Jo [Smith],"I have got the damned fools fixed, and will carry out the fun." Notwithstanding, he told me he had no such book, and believed there never was any such book.... When one considers Sidney Rigdon's life, he emerges as a complex and mysterious character, a brooding yet visionary individual who appears to have been so dedicated to his own dreams that he thought nothing of appropriating Solomon Spalding's novel, reworking it to reflect his personal beliefs, then using it as a tool to achieve his ultimate goal -- leading an errant and factious Christendom to the glorious restoration of its "ancient order of things." 2 Rigdon felt it was his personal mission to bring back the good old days when real, living apostles walked the land, spreading the Word of God and working miracles. Indeed, this bizarre obsession was so sincerely heartfelt that at times Rigdon seems to have actually believed he was a modern saint, chosen by God to walk the land and do His work. Whether it took fraud, deceit, cunningly contrived divine revelations, or just plain old-fashioned showmanship to accomplish the task, it did not matter to Rigdon. As he saw it, the ends inevitably justified his own means, no matter what. If God's plan was being served, only good could come of it; and because he had been predestined (indeed, perhaps even pre-anointed) to be a part of it, his work was clear. He was a voice crying in the wilderness -- a man on God's mission. 3 He could do no other. "Every man is a government of himself, and infringes on no government. 170 (pages 170-194 not transcribed) |
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7 QUESTIONS The Mormons are composed of two classes, the Deceivers and the Deceived, who are by far the most numerous, and are generally honest, industrious, well-meaning people. Had the newspaper managers of 1830 been as enterprising and thorough in collecting news as they are today, Mormonism would have been very short lived. Eber Howe had been hard at work on his own book, Mormonism Unvailed, for quite some time before acquiring Doctor Hurlbut's material in January 1834. Rather than push everything aside and start anew, he simply gathered together the most important of these items and added them to his existing text. This explains why Hurlbut's information is confined to the final 60 pages, and why his premature conclusion concerning Sidney Rigdon's role in the Spalding Enigma is given only perfunctory treatment in the closing paragraphs. Although pro-Mormon writers have often asserted that Hurlbut himself wrote the entire book and then sold it to Howe for publication, even a cursory examination of its structure and style exposes this as impossible. 2 The real importance of this unfounded allegation is that it seems to have originated with none other than Joseph Smith himself, who briefly mentioned Mormonism Unvailed while taking his archrival Alexander Campbell to task. According to Smith: 196 (pages 196-208 not transcribed) |
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8 FAMILY PLOT Why have neither Smith nor his friends given any history of these four years... ? Why does Smith pass over this most interesting portion of his life in silence, or speak of it only in vague generalities? The only possible answer is, he dares not give a minute and detailed history of that period, giving places and dates; for if he should, he fears it would lead to his detection. As work on this volume progressed, it became evident that no meaningful solution to the Spalding Enigma could be found without first exploring another unsolved mystery -- the early life of the inscrutable Oliver H. P. Cowdery, 2 Co-founder and Second Elder of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 3 Although it is widely acknowledged that Cowdery played a major role in the early history of the Church from the time he moved into Joseph Smith's home in 1828 until his excommunication in Missouri 10 years later, it takes only a single paragraph to summarize what most historians admit to knowing about him before then. "The only reliable information" about Oliver's youth comes from an 1887 statement by Lucy Cowdery Young, one of his younger half-sisters: Oliver was brought up in Poultney, Rutland county, Vermont, and when he arrived at the age of twenty, he went to the state of New York, where his older brothers were married and settled.... Oliver's occupation was clerking in a store until 1829, when he taught the district school in the town of Manchester. 4 210 (pages 210-236 not transcribed) |
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11 REVELATIONS I wanted to know how the Book of Mormon came into existence for [my father] owed it to his family to tell all he knew about it and should not go down to his grave with any such grave secrets. He said "My son I will swear before God that what I have told you about the Book of Mormon is true. I did not write or have anything to do with its production and if Joseph Smith ever got that other from which he always told me that an angel appeared and told him where to go to find the plates upon which the Book was engraved in a hill near Palmera Smith guarded his secret well for he never let me know by mood or action that he got them differently and I believe he did find them as he said and that Joe Smith was a Prophet and this world will find it out someday." I was surprised smarting under what he thought was ingratitude of the Church for turning him down and not having been with them for over 25 [sic] years. I must believe he thought he was telling the truth. He was at this time in full possession of his faculties what object had he in concealing the fact any longer if he did write it. My father died in 1876 at the age of 83 a firm believer in the Mormon Church. After my fathers death I told mother what my father had told me about the Book of Mormon. She said your father told you the truth. He did not write it and I know as he could not have written without my knowing it for we were married several years before the Book was published and if he wrote it, it must have been since our marriage."
John W. Rigdon
(ca. 1892)
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352 (pages 352-356 not fully transcribed) ...the authors believe it is possible to derive only one set of reasonable and logical conclusions from the extensive body of material which has been set forth in the preceding chapters: 357 1. Solomon Spalding composed a work of fiction entitled A Manuscript Found and sought to have it published by the Pittsburgh firm of R. & J. Patterson. This work purported to be the translation of an ancient book that had been dug from the earth, in which was recorded the history of a civilization that had once flourished on the American continent but had become all but extinct because of nearly incessant warfare. Spalding died in 1816 after the manuscript for his novel was essentially complete, but before final arrangements could be made for its publication. 2. Sometime between 1814 and 1822, Sidney Rigdon surreptitiously obtained Spalding's manuscript; most likely with the assistance of his young friend Jonathan Harrison Lambdin, who worked in the Pattersons' establishment. Perhaps he undertook to copy portions of it as early as 1814, but upon learning that the Pattersons were looking for it, quietly returned the original. Later, after Spalding's death in 1816, Rigdon managed to get his hands on it again and this time he kept it. Rigdon's continued presence in Pittsburgh for at least two years following Spalding's demise is evident from the fact that he was still receiving mail there in 1818. 3. Over the next dozen years Rigdon spent time reworking the manuscript, probably with some vague hope of eventually getting it published under his own name. In the late summer of 1826 he met Oliver Cowdery in Ohio, and upon learning he was a printer, confided to him that he possessed a certain manuscript of great importance that he hoped to have published. 4. Oliver Cowdery was well aware that the Smiths were his cousins prior to 1822, and for that reason he was quickly assimilated into their family circle upon his arrival in Palmyra that year. Afterward, he had only intermittent contact with them until meeting Rigdon in 1826. Upon becoming convinced that Rigdon possessed the translation of an ancient and valuable historical Record, Oliver undertook to bring Rigdon and Smith together to see what could be done to exploit the situation for mutual benefit. Thus, though merely a coincidence, the fact that Joseph Smith had been seeking a similar Record for several years using occult methods became the unlikely catalyst that not only brought these three conspirators together, but served to stimulate the series of even more unlikely events that followed. 5. In the spring of 1827, Smith and Cowdery contrived to bring Rigdon to New York. There the three of them entered into an elaborate clandestine 358 arrangement known locally as the Gold Bible Company that, at first, was only a grand scheme designed to make money by promoting and publishing Spalding's now thoroughly re-worked A Manuscript Found. The plan was to generate public interest, or to "raise the wind," as Eber Howe put it, by claiming to have unearthed an ancient historical Record from a nearby hill and by spreading the word that its translation had been accomplished through miraculous methods. Only later, in the process of taking advantage of circumstances and at the urging of Rigdon, did the idea of founding a new religion enter the picture. Although Rigdon was involved with the entire process and made several trips to New York in connection with it, his involvement was largely secret until very late in the course of events. 6. Once the plan was launched, the conspirators continued to get themselves in deeper and deeper, until there was no going back. Meanwhile, a number of innocent but credulous individuals (the Whitmers, Martin Harris, the Pratts, and the Knights, to name only a few) had been attracted to the scheme in the genuine, if not always innocent, belief that this was truly God's work.... (pages 358-366 not fully transcribed) |
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Appendix 3 “HOW TO MAKE AN ANGEL, & OTHER MIRACLES” TWO LETTERS OF JESSE J. MOSS
Ex-LDS Elder Ezra Booth 1
Jesse J. Moss (b. Onondaga, New York, July 13, 1806; d. Ohio, ca. 1882) was one of Sidney Rigdon's early followers in Ohio, and is regarded by Disciples of Christ historians as "the first man to raise a testimony against Mormonism." 2 Considerably more detail about Moss's experiences with the Mormons around Kirtland can be found in his Autobiography of a Pioneer Preacher (M. M. Moss, ed.) as serialized in Christian Standard magazine, issues for December 1937 and ff. The following letters from Rev. Moss were written to James T. Cobb (1834-ca. 1900), an anti-Mormon newsman for the then non-Mormon Salt Lake City Tribune, who had initiated correspondence with a number of key people in an endeavor to reopen the Spalding case. 390 (pages 390-394 not transcribed) |
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Appendix 4 THE LETTER OF JUDGE JOEL KING NOBLE (1842) In the early summer of 1830, while Joseph Smith was staying at the home of his friend Joseph Knight in Chenango County, N. Y., Dr. Benton, a relative of Josiah Stowell (see text), swore out a warrant against Joseph as a disorderly person for pretending to see treasure underground. When the officers came to arrest Smith, Knight asked him if he wanted counsel, to which Smith replied in the affirmative. Knight then hired lawyers James Davidson and John Reed [or Reid] to defend him. The next morning, Smith was brought before justice Joel Chamberlain of South Bainbridge, N. Y., who dismissed the case on a technicality (Statute of limits) after an all-day trial. Upon leaving the court, Smith was immediately re-arrested on a warrant for similar charges from neighboring Broome County, and taken to Colesville where he was tried again. This time, according to the judge who heard the case, he was found guilty and then let off with a reprimand. Joseph Knight covered the lawyers' fees for both trials. 396 (pages 396-400 not transcribed) |
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Appendix 5 THE CEPHAS DODD HOAX AND OTHER FABRICATIONS A number of books about the Spalding Enigma published after the turn of the twentieth century have either included or made reference to an item purporting to be an inscription written on the inside front cover of an 1830 edition of The Book of Mormon by the Rev. Dr. Cephas Dodd, MD (1789-1858), of Amity, Pa. As the story goes, Dr. Dodd, who had been a friend and neighbor of the Spaldings, as well as their minister and physician, had obtained a copy of The Book of Mormon in mid-1831 during the time when the Mormons were busily establishing their settlement at Kirtland and becoming controversial throughout eastern Ohio and western Pennsylvania. Upon reading it, he is said to have inscribed the book in the following manner: This work, I am convinced by facts related to me by my deceased patient, Solomon Spaulding, has been made from the writings of Spaulding, probably by Sidney Rigdon, who was suspicioned by Spaulding with purloining his manuscript from the publishing house to which he had taken it; and I am prepared to testify that Spaulding told me that his work was entitled, "The Manuscript Found in the Wilds of Mormon; or Unearthed Records of the Nephites." From his description of its contents, I fully believe that this Book of Mormon is mainly and wickedly copied from it. 402 (page 402 not transcribed) |
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Appendix 6 A CHRONOLOGY OF COWDERY FAMILY MIGRATIONS TO VERMONT, NEW YORK, AND OHIO (1785 - 1830) After considerable research, it seems reasonably certain that the man identified as Jerry Coudry or Cowdry, who purchased land in Genesee County, N. Y. from the Holland Land Company in 1804-05, was Oliver Cowdery's granduncle, Dr. Jacob N[athaniel?] Cowdery (1743-1820), 1 of Hartland, Conn. -- the same man who transferred deeds at Canandaigua in 1791 (see n. 4) and 1796, and whose youngest son, John Cowdrey, was born there on June 1, 1794. Although Mehling says Jacob was known as Major Cowdery because of his service in the Revolutionary War, a search of military records from 1756 through 1815 has failed to turn up any reference to service by Jacob Sr., though his son, Jacob Jr. (1762-1846), did serve briefly in Connecticut (DAR Patriot Index, Centennial Ed., Part I). Given what we now know about Jacob and his wanderlust, 2 and recalling that he would have been 32 when the American Revolution began and 40 when it ended, we are more inclined to accept that he could have acted as a civilian guide for some frontier military expedition, or was perhaps an officer in an obscure local militia (perhaps in Ohio) during the early campaigns against the Indians. On the other hand, maybe Major was merely a harmless affectation, something akin to being a Colonel in Kentucky. 404 (pages 404-424 not transcribed) |
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NOTES FOREWORD 1. George Mather is pastor of Our Savior's Lutheran Church in St. George, Utah. He is a noted authority on religion and the occult, and co-author of several books, including The Dictionary of Cults, Sects, Religions, and the Occult (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1993). 2. "Statistical Report, 2000," Ensign (May 2001): 22. 3. Milton R. Hunter, The Gospel of the Ages (Salt Lake City: Deseret, 1958), 115. 4. James E. Talmage, Articles of Faith, rev. ed. (Salt Lake City: Deseret, 1984), 480. PREFACE 1. Dale R. Broadhurst is a retired academic researcher living in Hawaii. He is the web-host for www.solomonspalding.com, and has written numerous scholarly papers on the topic of the Spalding authorship claims for The Book of Mormon. 2. Robert D. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," letter to Saints' Herald 22, no. 8 (15 April 1875): 228. 3. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," 228. 4. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," 228. 5. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," 227. 6. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," 228. 7. Foster, "A Testimony of the Past," 229. 8. Fawn M. Brodie, No Man Knows My History: The Life of Joseph Smith (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1945). INTRODUCTION 1. James Harrison Kennedy, Early Days of Mormonism (New York: Charles Scribners & Sons, 1888), 265. 430 (remainder of notes not transcribed) |
Transcriber's Comments (updated Aug. 11, 2005) WRWTBoM: The Spalding Enigma -- 2005 CPH Edition A modern, detailed presentation of the Solomon Spalding claims for Book of Mormon authorship has long been absent from the bookshelves of those who study and write Mormon history. The lack of such a volume can be traced both to a general disinterest among most students of early Mormonism, and to a less justifiable disinterest exhibited by the overwhelming majority of those researchers and historians who possess the knowledge, experience and skills necessary to compile the missing volume. The topic was last addressed in any significant manner by LDS writers in the fall of 1977, when Lester E. Bush, Jr. and Charles C. Whittier each published an article on Spalding in Dialogue -- neither of which added much new information to the body of knowledge previously compiled by other writers. Likewise, the subsequent polemical publications of Robert and Rosemary Brown and the more reputable editorial work offered by Kent P. Jackson provide the modern reader with little more than a re-hash of time-worn Mormon apologetics, and have made few significant contributions to the subject (last addressed with commendable ingenuity by Vernal Holley during the 1980s). Given the fact that the Solomon Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon have been much discussed in various web-based communications and in other contemporary, unpublished (or privately circulated) writings, it would seem that the time is over-ripe for the compilation and hard-copy publication of a great deal of "new" information on the old "Spalding theory." So it was, that when the "Spalding Enigma" surfaced (as a pre-publication, review text) in 2000, the way seemed to be opening for something like a definitive report upon Solomon Spalding, his writings, and the old assertion that he made a significant (though inadvertant), contribution to the Book of Mormon text. With the passing of five years for critique, new input, and re-writing, the readers of 2005 might be forgiven for expecting to see the combined efforts of the "Spalding Research Associates" of southren California emerge as a sterling presentation, encapsulating and demonstrating the Spalding authorship claims in a succinct and scholarly manner. Indeed, their 2005 "Enigma" book bears evidence of a great deal of studied research and contains much reporting that is truly commendable. The 2005 edition of Who Really Wrote the Book of Mormon: The Spalding Enigma, can be recommended to fill the empty spot on the historians' bookshelves on the basis of its compiled source material, no matter what readers might think of the authors' various conclusions. Whether or not it can be recommended as the best possible review and discussion of Spalding's writings (and their alleged use in the creation of the Book of Mormon), is quite a different matter, however. Even if certain roots of Mormonism can be traced to Solomon Spalding, the 2005 "Enigma" book is not a particularly good introduction to the topic of Mormon origins. For the beginner, who is just contemplating this field of inquiry for the first time, the authors' shorter and much more concise 1977 volume may provide a better picture of what the Solomon Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon are all about. At least in their first book the Spalding Research Associates managed to quickly and lucidly demonstrate why Spalding's writings were ever purportedly associated with the birth of Mormonism, in the first place. That much having been admitted, their earlier account cannot be well recommended to serious students of the subject either: mainly so because of some fatal problems inherent in its message -- the chief of which was the "red herring" (perhaps "wild goose chase" is a better term) of the authors' quest to prove that the LDS leadership still preserves, within its labyrinthine archives in Salt Lake City, several pages from Spalding's original "Manuscript Found." That strange assertion was effectively countered in 1977 by their rival, anti-Mormon crusader Jerald Tanner. Obviously still smarting from the public embarrassment of having failed in their previous holographic scavenger hunt, the authors of the 1977 book (or, at least those two who have remained as members of the current 3 or 4 man "Spalding Research Associates), have tried very hard to provide reputable documentation for their far less zealous 21st century Spalding authorship assertions. The result is a fascinating, though bulky, disjointed pile of pages that will not match the productions of writers like Fawn M. Brodie, Andrew F. Smith, or even Newell and Avery, in holding reader's attention and comprehension, while simultaneously delivering up massive reconstructions of past Mormon experience. In fairness, however, it must be conceded that Enigma was never intended to be an intriguing biographical work and, that as narrative, it does manage to hold its own, when compared with previous reference offerings, such as History of the Church or Rev. Clark Braden's section in the old Braden-Kelley Debate. In their ponderous effort to not again be embarrassed with the serving up of half-baked, wholly improbable concoctions, ala 1977, Messieurs. Cowdrey, Davis and Vanick have loaded their present volume with a tremendous amount of old testimony, affidavits, certificates, statements, and such. For the bibliographer of obscure sources relating to Mormon origins, it may prove to be a gold mine of sorts -- but, alas, it provides no compiled bibliography of its own (nor any index, for that matter.) Picture this -- If the book's basic premise can be accepted, of course it little matters whether its prosaic ruminations are sufficiently spiced to please the discriminating palettes of modern readers. If Solomon Spalding really did pen a substantial segment of the Nephite Record, then a systematic documentation of that supposed fact is paramount -- other writers may follow in the tracks of these "enigmatic" pioneers and eventually clear away the literary underbrush that still obscures even the most imaginative historian's fragmented vision of the Spalding authorship claims. Discernment, like beauty, lies in the eye of the beholder. Brodie dismissed the sort of evidence the Enigmaites have stacked up, by saying: "Through the years the 'Spaulding theory' collected supporting affidavits as a ship does barnacles, until it became so laden with evidence that the casual reader was overwhelmed by the sheer magnitude of the accumulation...." Well then, the Enigma authors appear to have discovered a good many more "barnacles" to add to this overwhelming collection. The "casual readers" may be excused if they decide to put Enigma back upon the shelf, after thumbing through a couple hundred of its weighty pages. At the same time, it can be truthfully stated that the authors of this book have made a valiant attempt to sort out their many stacks of documents. They have probably done about as good a job as can now be done, of collecting, categorizing and linking together all the hundreds of pieces to what may yet prove to be a most interesting jigsaw picture. Whether or not a comprehensive, coherent image of historical events can be constructed from all of these pieces of evidence, here finally assembled between two covers, depends very much upon the vantage point taken by the would-be viewer. To a critic like Elder Wade Englund, who sees little value in piling up ever greater theoretical edifices, composed of "Selective, Tampered, Confabulated, Conflicting, Contrary, and Absurd Evidence," all the contents of the 2005 version of Enigma may form themselves into nothing more significant than an even greater accumulation of the same old "barnacles" that overwhelmed Mrs. Brodie. From their own perspective, the authors see highly suggestive and potentially significant relationships beginning to emerge from the mix, however. And perhaps they are correct in some of their conclusions. Whether or not the experienced student of Mormon history accepts the Spalding authorship claims laid out in Enigma as truly tenable, that same reader must admit that the authors have pulled loose many old threads from the generally accepted fabric of Saintly beginnings in New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio. A number of these loose threads (if carefully followed up by objective investigation) may yet lead to important historical discoveries. How to get from There to Here As already noted, there is no denying that the "Spalding Research Associates" have put a great deal of work into their 2005 book. While its contents do not constitute a definitive review and report for the "Spalding theory," the collected documentation and analysis offered in Enigma will no doubt long represent the only substantial publication on the subject easily available to interested readers. As such, this thick volume stands in a unique place, among the hundreds of contemporary books and articles offered as explanations of the Mormon past. It will find its spot in various institutional libraries and thus promulgate its message to future generations -- if they care to look between the book's covers. One such copy has already made its way to the public library in Conneaut, Ohio and has attracted a bit of local interest. Writing in the N. E. Ohio weekly Gazette Newspapers for Aug. 31, 2005, reviewer Richard Donley remarks, that "There is, in fact, nothing new to this [authorship] theory, which has been fiercely argued since the Book of Mormon first saw the light of day... [the 2005 book] thoroughly -- even exhaustively -- pursues all the by-ways and tributaries of this historical investigation, quoting and footnoting an amazing number of early statements, testimonies, and publications... Despite this, the authors still find it necessary to make a number of assumptions regarding the movements, accomplishments and motivations of Joseph Smith, his family and collaborators, and his opponents and skeptics." Unfortunately, the Enigma authors have not quite managed, in all their research and writing, to move the spotlight of history away from the captivating figure of Joseph Smith. The authors present a commendable amount of detail concerning Oliver Cowdery and Sidney Rigdon, but fail to firmly establish these characters as comprehendable, motivated "collaborators" in a conspiracy to produce the Book of Mormon. Any substantial future extension of the Enigma topic must fill in this problematic gap. Before many modern readers will begin to believe that Cowdery and Rigdon served as such "collaborators," those same readers must first begin to understand why this was so. Only then, with the middlemen well delineated, can the would-be students of this Enigma make much headway in linking the writings of Solomon Spalding to the LDS scriptures. There is a second field of endeavor, in which the Enigma authors have harvested but little fruit, and it marks a second problematic gap for Spalding theory enthusiasts. During the mid 1880s, both the LDS and RLDS churches delighted in rushing into print their respective editions of the Spalding "Roman Story" recovered in Honolulu in 1884 by Lewis L. Rice and James H. Fairchild. Fairchild's initial remarks on this unique discovery related his belief that the manuscript he brought from Oahu to Oberlin was indeed the "one and only" pseudo-historical story so long conjectured as having formed the basis for the Book of Mormon. With the passing of time both Rice and Fairchild backed away from their first, hasty identifications of this "Roman Story." However, the Latter Day Saints spread the message far and wide, saying that Spalding only wrote one fictional story in his lifetime; that this story had at last been found; that the story in question bears no substantial resemblance to the Book of Mormon; and thus the entire argument for a Spalding origin of the Nephite Record is entirely exploded. By the mid 20th century, the LDS promulgated Fairchild remarks were fast replacing the Spalding authorship claims in most scholarly works examining Mormon beginnings. A typical set of comments in this regard can be found in the pages of the 1948 edition of the Encyclopedia Americana, which offers these words in its article on "The Book of Mormon": "Among the many assumptions advanced in purported explanation of the origin of the Book of Mormon and in hostile denunciation of Joseph Smith's avowal, the most generally known is the Spaulding story. This represented the Book of Mormon as an adapted version of a romance written by Solomon Spaulding, a clergyman of Amity, Pa. The claim has been thoroughly disproved. The original manuscript of the Spaulding romance is preserved in the library of Oberlin College, Ohio, where it was deposited by the president of that institution, James W. Fairchild, who published an attestation of its genuineness and a statement to the effect that no assumption of its relationship to the 'Book of Mormon' is tenable." It little matters whether the encyclopedia editors derived their information from an LDS-supplied reference, or whether they stumbled upon Fairchild via Fawn Brodie's book, or some other published source. What does matter, is that the disproved Fairchild explanation continues to haunt the bibliographies of writers on Mormon origins, right down to the beginning of the 21st century. Before many modern readers will begin to believe that Solomon Spalding could have furnished textual material for the Book of Mormon, those same readers must first begin to understand why the Oberlin "Roman Story" was never claimed as the source of that text -- and why it is not the only story Spalding ever wrote. The Enigma authors provide some initial attempts in the accomplishment of this very necessary task, but they have not explained the genesis of Faithchild's problematic contribution, nor why he was wrong in practically all of his initial conclusions. If the Spalding Enigma is to serve any better purpose than gathering dust in the Conneaut public library, then modern scholars must begin to use its contents as a resource in fleshing out the personalities and probable motivations of Cowdery and Rigdon. Some link must be established between Rigdon's unusual pre-1831 theology, the Book of Mormon text, and the Rigdon-Smith re-write of the English Bible. Vast as this 2005 resource may be, it probably can serve only as a starting-point for the necessary scholorship. The same can be said in the daunting task that lies ahead of any historian who seeks to turn over useful new material for the encyclopedia editors. It may take a decade of reputable reporting in peer reviewed historical journals -- fully explicating the Spalding claims -- before the first notable reference book drops the Fairchild legacy and re-introduces Solomon Spalding to its section on Mormonism. Can the Spalding Enigma open the way for new "light and truth?" Maybe. The Nitty Gritty On pages 30-32 the authors list four ripe old objections to the Spalding claims (or "theory," as they call it) voiced by LDS defenders of the faith going back as far as the late 1830s. The "usual suspects" in this regard are: (1) Sidney Rigdon was not connected with any print shop in Pittsburgh -- in fact he never even lived there until six years after Spalding's death -- thus, he had no knowledge of, or contact with, Spaldings writings when they were available for inspection in that place. (2) The Spalding theory began as a huge exaggeration and willful deception concocted by D. P. Hurlbut from practically nonexistent evidence. And nearly all subsequent testimony collected by others, in support of his initial assertions, must be rejected due to its obvious anti-Mormon bias. (3) There is no reason to believe that Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon could have met or known each other prior late 1830 -- long after the Book of Mormon had been published -- thus ruling out Rigdon's providing Smith with any text for that book. And lastly, (4) the only manuscript story ever written by Solomon Spalding has been well examined and shows "no similarities whatsoever" with the text published in the Book of Mormon. For the next 320 pages of Enigma the authors attempt to produce evidence to refute these four objections; which they accomplish, more or less, by the time the get around to listing their "conclusions" on pages 356-358: 1. Solomon Spalding composed a work of fiction entitled A Manuscript Found and sought to have it published by the Pittsburgh firm of R. & J. Patterson. This work purported to be... the history of a civilization that had once flourished on the American continent but... [became] extinct.... Spalding died in 1816 after the manuscript for his novel was essentially complete, but before final arrangements could be made for its publication.
Solomon Spalding (1761 – 1816) In moving from Point A to Point B – that is, from pages 30-32 to pages 356-358 – the Enigma authors manage to lead their readers through an amazingly lengthy and complex compilation of what they feel is generally reliable historical evidence. Without providing much insight as to the method used in verifying all of these sources, Messieurs. Cowdrey, Davis and Vanick string all of their fragments of information into what may (or may not) be a reasonably accurate reconstruction of a hitherto unrecognized nexus for Mormon origins. Since they often rely upon single sources, not well confirmed by other, independent sources, their chain of evidence is only as strong as its weakest link. And some of the links offered to the reader seem to be very weak indeed. Instead of establishing one, long train of solid evidence, the Enigma authors have instead attempted to join together a number of shorter segments, with links that may not be much more substantial than the writers' own collective imagination. The law of averages seems to indicate that future researchers and reporters will conclusively do away with at least a few of these imagined connections. The question that necessarily follows is: Can the authors' remaining strands of evidence be verified and re-united into a new, and more substantial chain -- amounting to proof in the eyes of some beholders? Or, will their truly significant fragments of history remain forever just that, fragments that make up nothing like a full explanation for the Book of Mormon and Latter Day Saint origins? The Cowdery genealogical section of the book, along with various historical tidbits relating to the family, is a valuable source of information, much of which is not elsewhere available. Positioned as it is, in the midst of the more or less chronological developemnt of the Spalding authorship claims, all of this Cowdery material may be rather tedious stuff for many a reader. Had the authors first published that material as a seperate volume, they might have established a favorable reputation for themselves, quite apart from the Mormon origins subject. They might then have selectively quoted the genealogical data in this current volume, without having to dump it all before readers more interested in Mormon history than in family history. It would not come as much of a surprise if some genealogical libraries excerpt the Cowdery material from the book and place that extract on their shelves as a stand-alone booklet. The Enigma authors are almost certainly correct in some of their key assertions. The Spalding claims arose well before D. P. Hurlbut came upon the scene and were further substantiated by various persons totally unconnected with him for years after he disappeared from the picture. Solomon Spalding wrote other works of fiction than his single extant manuscript novel, now on file at Oberlin College. That particular manuscript cannot be the one he submitted for publication while he lived in and around Pittsburgh during 1812-16. Sidney Rigdon had close relatives living practically next door to Spalding, in Amity, Pennsylvania and the Spalding family's assertion, that Solomon Spalding had at least a slight aquaintance with Rigdon, are not at all improbable. Sidney Rigdon learned the tanning trade somewhere near Pittsburgh in his younger days and he very likely developed business ties with that town's bookbinders at an early date. Sidney Rigdon lived relatively close to Oliver Cowdery's brother, in Ohio, a few years before Sidney and Oliver joined the Mormons. Given Rigdon's well known history of secret manipulations, religious pretensions, and outright lies, his word cannot be depended upon, even if documnetary proof is uncovered in which he swears he did not know Oliver Cowdery or Joseph Smith, Jr. during the 1820s. In these, and in several related instances, the Enigma authors have "got it right," and even dedicated LDS defenders of the faith would do well to admit as much. Many of the sources put forth in Enigma for the reader's inspection will be new items to most students of Mormon history. Among them is a truly remarkable draft letter, written at the end of 1833 -- seemingly by one of D. P. Hurlbut's key witnesses. The document is no doubt a very significant one; but what exactly does it signify? To the Mormon polemicist and the natural skeptic, the most significant thing about this important discovery may simply be the fact that its handwriting is almost certainly that of the already deeply suspect Hurlbut himself. In another instance, the authors have uncovered postal letter lists published in old Pittsburgh newspapers, showing that letters were sent to the post office there, both for Solomon Spalding and for Sidney Rigdon, well before Rigdon's 1822-26 known residence in that city. Since the letters so listed were unclaimed mail, future LDS defenders may attempt to argue that this only shows that some correspondent of Rigdon's made the mistake of sending letters to him at a post office he probably never visited. However, in this case, there may well be enough supplementary documentation available to show that Sidney Rigdon actually did frequent that city (then a small town within walking distance of his father's farm) in his younger days -- at the very time Solomon Spalding was attempting to get his manuscripts published there. If so, then future investigations may turn up evidence of just when Rigdon visited Pittsburgh and for what purposes. It is not improbable that, sooner or later, substantial documentary evidence will be uncovered linking the young Rigdon with early Pittsburgh residents Silas Engles and/or J. Harrison Lambdin, both of whom had access to some of Spalding's writings prior to the would-be writer's death in 1816. Such likely evidence is a potential thorn in the side of Rigdon's modern saintly defenders, and it should not be passed over too lightly. Along with their presentation of evidence (and much speculation) concerning the multi-faceted Spalding authorship claims, the Enigma authors raise a number of important questions for the professors of traditional Mormon history. Such as, Where was Oliver Cowdery in 1822-28, and what was he doing? This erstwhile Mormon witness and LDS leader was eventually expelled from the Church for a number of alleged sins, including counterfeiting. Just when did Oliver first take up that clandestine vocation, and during which part of his largely untold career is he trustworthy as having been an honest witness? A related set of questions center about the 1826 disappearance of William Morgan, the anti-Masonic "martyr." Since Joseph Smith, Jr. later took Morgan's widow for a plural wife, it is not unreasonable to ask when it was that Smith first met that lady, and whether he (and Oliver as well) were well acquainted with her late husband. Then again, the careful reader, while reading this book, might come up with a lengthy list of questions addressed to the Enigmaite writers -- such as: "What, exactly, was young Rigdon's motive for purloining a copy of Mr. Spalding's manuscript, keeping that text, and re-writing it over a period of years?" If he truly accomplished this (well before the 1830 publication of the first Mormon scriptures), his literary product probably would not have been publishable as a novel. The alleged Rigdon additions to a Spalding pseudo-history of the Israelite Lost Tribes in ancient America were of a deeply spiritual or theological nature, and so unique as to have been suitable only for scriptural use within a new religious body. What would have prompted Sidney Rigdon to begin making such additions to Spalding's writings in the first place; and why would he have subsequently entrusted such a painstakingly compiled creation into the hands of the reportedly disreputable Joseph Smith, Jr.? No "Spalding theory" advocate has ever answered such questions very well, including William H. Whitsitt, Clark Braden, Bryan Ready, and others who have dug deeply into the Book of Mormon, looking for specimens of 1820s Campbellite and Rigdonite theology. The Enigma authors demonstrate no more than a passing knowledge of Mormon scriptures and theology, so they may perhaps be excused from answering such specialized queries. So long as these kinds of questions remain unanswered, however, the "enigma" those authors attempt to ellucidate remains largely unsolved -- and perhaps unsolvable. Pesky Little Details In the "Afterward" to their book the authors state: "it is inevitable in a work of this size that some errors will occur." No doubt that is true; at least a brief perusal of their volume turns up numerous spots in the text where the reader might well wonder if something has not gone awry. Had the book been edited and proofread by historians experienced in the Mormon past (and in latter day "scripture"), many of these pesky little misstatements might have been caught, ere they ever went through the press. Although it is best to "condemn not" these "mistakes of men," the serious student of Enigma and of the Spalding authorship claims in general, deserves to have the textual errors and oddities listed and described some place or another -- and this web-page is probably as good a place as any. Therefore, in the interest of straightening the tangle of the "Spalding theory" as much as time and current resources allow, a list of Enigma errors and oddities is appended to this review -- along with various comments inspired by a quick, initial reading of Enigma, and with additions forthcoming in the near future. |
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List of Probable Misprints, Mistakes or Misjudgments p. 7 - "RLDS" - More accurately to as Community of Christ" these days; although for the pre-2000 years Enigma generally deals with, "RLDS" remains the historically correct term. p. 7 - "the twelve" - In theory this quorum is a traveling High Council, inferior in "rule" to the LDS First Presidency -- the term is generally capitalized in printed references (and evidently was also capitalized in the book's final draft when submitted to Concordia) p. 14 - "both root and branch" - Rev. John G. Cookman's lineage was carried on by children who did not perish in the 1841 sinking of the USS President p. 17 - "pro-Mormon scholars" (used subsequently throughout the book) - Not since the days of Thomas L. Kane have any significant "pro-Mormons" been anything other than baptized members of one or another of the "restoration churches." This attempt by the Enigma authors (or their CPH editors) to be politically correct, injects some unintentional humor into the book. Many of the most dedicated anti-Spalding claims "scholars" of the past were RLDS writers, who generally called themselves "Latter Day Saints" and who would have been greatly shocked if ever called "pro-Mormons." p. 17 - "The Book of Mormon" - In a probable attempt by the Enigma authors (or the CPH editors) to be politically correct, this title is italicized and its definite article capitalized throughout the book, even in references to manuscripts and in quotations wherein the title format was originally given differently. For references to the actual published Mormon book this is acceptable -- in some other instances (certain quotes from old texts, references to manuscript materials, etc.) it probably is not. It all looks as if an overzealous Concordia proofreader may have hit the "replace all occurences" button in his word processor program. p. 17 - "historical record of pre-Columbian North America" - Although certain revisionist LDS apologists have attempted to confine some stories set forth in the Book of Mormon to a postage-stamp-size patch of jungle somewhere in Meso-America, most readers of the book have tradionally interpreted its various events as occuring respectively, in North America, in South America, and in some cases, as spanning the geography of both continents. p. 18 - "no religious arguments here" - Book of Mormon believers will probably see any extended attempt to discredit the authenticity of their holy writ as being a "religious argument," and especially so when that argument is accompanied by a dedication to "Dr. Walter Martin," a "Foreword" in which their faith is called "non-Christian," and a back cover catagorization of the argument as dealing with "religion," "cults," and "the conspiracy surrounding the... origins of Mormonism."
p. 19 - "Silhouette of Matilda... and the Rev. Solomon Spalding" - An attribution mentioning Rick Grunder and/or the Wesley Walters Papers at the Westminster Theological Seminary Library might have been helpful here. p. 20 - "From The Commonwealth" - The date and location for the publication featured in the graphic are missing (not to mention the name of "Sidney Rigdon" in the Pittsburgh Post Office unclaimed mail listing as pictured on page 20). p. 23 - "Hebrews... divided into twelve tribes" - The "Hebrew" descendants of Lot, Esau and other progeny of the biblical Eber might be forgiven for wondering just which of these "tribes" they belong to. While the term "Twelve Tribes of the Hebrews" is occasionally met with in scholarly literature, not all Hebrews descended from the sons of Jacob. The story of the division and scattering/dispersion of the twelve tribes of Israel is a complex one, involving the disestablishment of Levi, the division of Joseph, the emergence of the Jews from Judah, the admixture of Benjamin thereunto, etc. The Enigma authors here add yet another layer to the "myth and controversy" attached to the writings of Solomon Spalding (who is said to have written a "Twelve Tribes" story differing in some aspects from the Book of Mormon's account of far fewer than that numerical division of Israelites). p. 23 - "North American Indians... descendants... of Israel" - Here again the South American Lamanites are left out of the picture. Modern LDS apologists nowadays seem inclined to admit enough non-Israelite DNA among probable Siberian interlopers, Jaredite survivors, Lehites and Mulekites, to account for the "descent" of at least some of the American Indians. p. 23 - "several groups of Israelites" - The Book of Mormon's two "Israelite" groups, the Lehites and Mulekites, constitute a rather slender "several;" the Jaredites having sprung up and migrated well before the birth of the biblical Jacob (Israel). p. 24 - "a strange instrument" - The original text of Enigma was greatly shortened just prior to its publication, eliminating many interesting details. The "instrument" here described may be difficult for some readers to visualize. It puportedly consisted of the front part of a metallic corslet, (more like a breast-shield worn by an 18th century dragoon than the holy attire of an Indian shaman or an Israelite high priest) to which was attached a huge set of spectacles, by means of a lorinette. The gigantic eye-glasses being somewhat too large for Joseph Smith's face, he occasionally removed their diamond-shaped lenses and peered at the Nephite Record through one (or both) of these dislocated seer stones. Although the biblical term "Urim and Thummim" was not applied to the seer stone(s) by the earliest Mormons, there is sufficient description within the Book of Mormon itself to indicate that its writer(s) equated the oracular biblical lots (Urim and Thummim) with magical translating stones. p. 24 - "the Jaredites" - Here again the Enigma writers confine these ancient peoples to North America, call them a "tribe," and designate them as "Israelites." All of this will come as news to most Book of Mormon believers. Enigma's lax language in regard "Hebrews," "Israelites," "Nephites," "Jaredites," etc. is unfortunate in a book written to help explain how it was that Solomon Spalding's writings about Old World peoples in the New World supposedly formed the basis for Mormon holy writ. Many of the earliest Mormon converts were convinced that Joseph Smith's book provided answers to their questions concerning various ancient biblical blessings and prophecies regarding a certain portion of the Israelites. While most contemporary Christian sects explained away those biblical passages as pertaining only "spiritually" to Christ's Church, the Book of Mormon purportedly offers evidence of their specific fulfillments in a literal sense. Thus, for advocates of the "Spalding theory," it becomes important to explain just which ancient "Israelites" Spalding wrote about -- and whether Spalding (like his Dartmouth-educated fellow Congregationalist, the Rev. Ethan Smith), advocated the same literal fulfillment of scripture, in their behalf, as is found in the Book of Mormon. For these reasons it behooves the modern student of the "Spalding theory" to understand well just what the Bible, Book of Mormon, and the early Spalding claims witnesses have to say about specific biblical peoples and the blessings offered unto them for pre-millennial futurity. The muddled reporting offered by the Enigma writers casts more shadow than light upon these literary complexities. p. 24 - "the Nephites, following... Nephi" - Retrospectively speaking, the summary is correct, perhaps. But this overly condensed description leaves out the fact that Lehi was the nominal leader of the purported migration from Jerusalem, and that the Nephites did not emerge as a distinct people until after Lehi's death. As previously pointed out above, the serious student of the Spalding authorship claims requires something more than imprecise language and ethnic overgeneralizations, in order to determine just what it was that Spalding reportedly wrote and how well that alleged subject matter matchs up with the historical details supplied by the Book of Mormon. p. 24 - "the angel Moroni... transcribed" - Joseph Smith alleged that his golden plates came from a combination of inter-related sources: Nephi, Mormon, Moroni, etc. The Book of Mormon presents Moroni the son of Mormon primarily as the final contributor to, and preserver of, this preserved combined record and not merely as its transcriber. Having died unmarried, the text's batchelor "Moroni the son of Mormon" better fit the Saints' Nauvoo era theologizing in regard to ministering angels, than do any of the text's deceased "Nephi"s (all of whom presumably were pious family men and thus candidates for LDS progression to godhood). To their credit, the Enigma authors have noticed the pre-Nauvoo era uncertainty over the identity of Smith's angel. However, they also seem to equate Moroni the son of Mormon with an alleged fictional character created by Solomon Spalding. If there ever was any such literary connection, the more likely candidate for Spalding's creation would be the General Moroni spoken of in the book of Alma. p. 25 - "Solomon Spalding... the real author" - This oversimplification of the Spalding authorship claims leaves out the fact that there are lengthy and highly important (from a religious viewpoint, at any rate) sections of the Book of Mormon that could not possibly have come from Spalding's writings. These sections of text comprise the bulk of the book and are so closely inter-connected as to constitute a volume in their own right, quite apart from anything that might have ever been borrowed from Spalding. At best, Spalding can probably only be spoken of as an inadvertant contributor to the collection of texts that eventually became the Book of Mormon. Modern students of the Spalding should keep the latter distinction in mind, when they meet with the many objections published by past writers, who have intelligently argued that a Congregational pastor (or even a back-slidden, former Calvinist evangelist) would have never professed many of the book's stated social, political and theological viewspoints. p. 25 - "Spalding... sought the ministry" - An alternative reading of historical sources might say that Spalding attended Dartmouth with the primary objective of pursuing a career as an educator, and that his ostensible goal of "qualifying himself for the ministry" was only his secondary, back-up plan. Spalding seemingly only turned to the temporary position of serving as a licensed Congregational evangelist (traveling missionary) in 1787 after his other options failed to work out, two years earlier. p. 25 - "he was awarded a Master of Arts degree" - While this may be true, no Dartmouth College records yet uncovered provide documentation for this Spalding claim, nor do academic/professional records from any source confirm it. p. 25 - "he married... and soon moved to Cherry Valley" - Solomon Spalding's widow said in 1839: "At the time of our marriage he [Solomon] resided in Cherry Valley, New York," giving the impression that Spalding (and perhaps also his bride) had already moved to that location prior to the couple's wedding. p. 25 - "Spalding served the local Presbyterian church as a supply pastor" - There is no known record in the past files of Congregational or Presbyterian congregations and regional organizations, indicating that Solomon Spalding was ever ordained as a minister in either of those denominations. A membership move from the Congregationalists to the allied Presbyterians would have been relatively easy in 1796, but it is doubtful that any Presbyterian society would have allowed an evangelist, only licensed (and not ordained) by the Congregationalists, to function as their pastor, perform their baptisms, solemnize marriages, etc. The Enigma writers pass by this historical question a bit too quickly, perhaps. p. 25 - "Spalding... principal of Cherry Valley Academy... was replaced" - The Enigma writers provide no reasons for his dismissal by the Academy's trustees (in Oct. 1795, after serving less than half a year as headmaster). Given Spalding's demonstrated interest in writing odd literary episodes of the Nissus/Euryalus-genre, it is not improbable this his abrupt dismissal involved a lack of confidence on the part of the school's trustees, in allowing him to continue his supervision of the all-male student body. Solomon Spalding was soon replaced in his leadership positions at both the Academy and in the Presbyterian congregation by Rev. Eliphalet Nott (whom Spalding said "had used him very ill") -- Spalding then left Cherry Valley altogether and relocated himself sixteen miles away from the town. p. 26 - "Spalding went to Salem... [in] 1803... again... in 1806" - A likely sequence of events would have Spalding first paying a visit to Salem (Conneaut) in 1803, then returning in 1806 with the equipment necessary to build an iron forge and water-powered forge hammer. For some unknown reason his first assembly of the forge equipment had to be rebuilt. The terms of his 1811 forge operation agreement with Henry Lake indicate that Spalding was perhaps already a semi-invalid at that early date -- possibly, as the writers say, due to a "serious rupture caused by heavy lifting." p. 27 - "Spalding... writing... way of producing income" - Given Solomon Spalding's evident lack of success in selling or publishing anything during his lifetime, a slightly cynical historian could be forgiven for wondering if the would-be writer's "way of producing income" did not lie in his solicitations among his neighbors for loans, investments, and debt relief, all based upon his insubstantial promises to one day sell his stories and share the rewards of their publication. p. 27 - "romantic yarn, written florid, semi-biblical English" - If by "florid" the authors mean "flowery, excessively ornamented, rosy, grandiloquent, flamboyant, fancy, affected, high-flown, or showy," it may be a little difficult for them to square that assessment with Redick McKee's memories of some Spalding writings, which were "gaunt and abrupt -- very like the stories of the 'Maccabees' and other apocryphal books, in the old bibles." If Spalding affected a "gaunt and abrupt" writing style in his purported "Manuscript Found," then that style is in keeping with the abbreviated, prosaic narratives featured throughout the Book of Mormon. If, on the other hand, he only wrote flamboyant "yarns," rather like the worst, mock-epic sections of his "Roman story," then that yarnish stuff evidently never made it into the LDS scriptures. The Book of Mormon contains a few accounts that might qualify as subtle, sardonic humor, and even some instances of what appear to be cynical recasting of hard-to-believe biblical episodes, but as for Nephite "yarns," the Enigma authors are probably seeing more in the text than generally meets the reader's eye. p. 27 - "two... [Spalding] characters... were 'Mormon' and his son 'Moroni'" - The enigmatic authors cite, as their source for this allegation, a 1912 article from the Sewickley Herald. The attribution of the character Moroni, the son of Mormon to Solomon Spalding (see also comments for p. 24) runs counter to the conclusions of several scholars who have studied references to that person, and his book of religious writings, as published in the Book of Mormon. In fact, the Book of Moroni (except for a paragraph or two from Mormon's second epistle, recorded therein) is probably the least "Spaldingish" of all the divisions of the Book of Mormon, both in its message and its phraseology. As previously stated, if Spalding ever created a "Moroni," it was far more likely the character of General Moroni, who was not Mormon's son. p. 27 - "some of Spalding's [associates]... [called him] 'Old Come to Pass'" - The evidence for this assertion is rather slender, coming as it doesfrom only two fairly late sources, which may be traceable the same Washington Co., Pennsylvania newspaper article. Rev. Abner Jackson stated in the Pennsylvania Washington Reporter,in 1881, that Aron Wright and other old Ohio associates of Spalding's had called the repetative writer by that nickname. This assertion was followed a year later by a statement from Washington Co. resident, Joseph Miller, saying: "The words...'And it came to pass,' occurred so often [in Spalding's writings] that the boys about the village called him 'Old Came to Pass.'" It is possible that the two very similar reported nicknames arose independently among Spalding's associates, both in Ohio and in Pennsylvania (and especially so since his pseudo-historical writings were said to contain that clause in great abundance). However, it is also possible that old Joseph Miller embellished his 1882 statement with some notions he had picked up from reading Abner Jackson's story, as published in his local newspaper, just a few months before. When two or more mutually exclusive explanations for the content of old sources come to the attention of objective historians, they generally report that situation, and do not simply assume one of those explanations to be the only possible truth. If Jackson was wrong to begin with, and Miller merely repeated Jackson's idea, then this is precisely the sort of thing that Fawn M. Brodie had in mind, when she concluded that the "Spalding theory" accumulated unreliable testimony over the years. p. 27 - "[in] Pittsburgh, Solomon Spalding offered 'A Manuscript Found' to... R. & J. Patterson" - This appears to be true. However, if Spalding arrived in that city prior to Nov. 5, 1812, or if he initiated his manuscript selling efforts via a correpondence carried on from Ohio, before he arrived in Pittsburgh, his first dealings may have been with R. &. J. Patterson's precursor, the firm of Patterson and Hopkins. This may be a minor point of detail, but it helps to show that Spalding probably arrived in Pittsburgh during the unsettled period when John Hopkins was leaving the publishing company and Joseph Patterson, Jr. was assuming his role as junior partner. If Joseph was inexperienced in running a publishing venture, he may well have encouraged Spalding's amateurish hopes for publication, while his older, more wary and distracted brother was more interested in getting the newly reorganized company through its typical end of the year obligations. p. 28 - "Sidney Rigdon... became... circuit-riding preacher" - It should not be supposed that Rigdon assumed a formal position, something like that of a Methodist Circuit pastor. Baptist congregations and associations were less rigidly organized than those of the Methodists and Rigdon's earliest travels from church to church in eastern Ohio was probably an informal series of ministerial visits, rather than the prescribed duities of a mobile pastor supervising many flocks. Many eye-witness accounts describe Rigdon as an effective evangelist but as a problematical pastor. Spalding claims advocates have occasionally made reference to this fact, in partial explanation of why Rigdon did not attempt to start up his own religious sect, but chose instead to share his ecclesiastical power with the young leader of a cultish money-digging group. p. 29 - "reader is not told... only source for this information" - In dealing with obscure historical phenomena, such as the "Spalding Enigma," the historical researcher and reconstructor is frequently faced with the problem of sole-source, otherwise unconfirmed, assertions and allegations. When single sources are public records, context-contemporary documents, etc., they generally may be assigned a far higher degree of reliability than other kinds of source material. In some cases, however, seemingly valuable historical information can only be traced back to one questionable origin. The Enigma authors are perceptive as they point out this problem here -- however, they appear to have forgotten their own pre-set standards in a few other sections of their reporting. p. 30 - "difference between... anti-Mormon, and... non-Mormon" - This is a distinction that early Latter Day Saints seldom made, when it came to dealing with those who rejected their preaching of Mormonism's gospel. In the heyday of Spalding claims publication and Mormon responses, typical LDS and RLDS apologists generally pictured the world as being unhappily divided between "God's chosen people" (themselves) and the "wicked gentiles" (all others who were not ready to convert to the Mormon faith). Thus, it was easy for early Mormon defenders to view all opponents as "enemies" and to condemn anybody who presented alternative explanations for Book of Mormon origins as the "tools of Satan," whether those persons realized the demonic enthrallment or not. It was this supernatural, reductionist Mormon perspective that led some LDS refutors of the "Spalding lie" to conclude that many persons, totally unconnected by time, space, or other relationships, were brought together (in the results of their non-Mormon efforts) as a Lucifer-led conspiracy against the "one true church." The Enigma authors make a reasonable distinction here, but (as is eloquently preached in the Foreword to their own book), reason may not always be the the prime motivational factor in religious proclamation. Aside from the few already disgruntled, "cultural," or intellectually compartmentalized Latter Day Saints, who might read their book, the Enigma authors' conclusions are no doubt destined to fall upon deaf ears, in the case of their "pro-Mormon" readers. p. 31 - "Manuscript Story -- Conneaut Creek" - The Enigma authors consistently call Solomon Spalding's "Roman story" (the holograph of which is on file in the Oberlin College Library) by this name. No witness who ever purported to have seen the Oberlin document prior to 1884 ever assigned this name to its "Roman story." The authors derive the name solely from the fact that it was re-discovered at that late date, wrapped in a sheet of paper bearing those words. The penciled handwriting sample there preserved is of so few words and so indistinct as to make any positive identification of its writer virtually impossible. It may well be the autograph of D. P. Hurlbut, E. D. Howe, or any one of a number of persons who once had access to the manuscript. The Enigma authors' insistence upon this unsubstantiated title merely strengthens the arguements of anti-Spalding writers -- who can cite that fact that Spalding's foster daughter saw what she thought read "Manuscript Found," scribbled upon the wrapping of one of her father's literary productions. With the change of a single word in Matilda Spalding McKinstry's 60 year-old memory, the "Roman Story" itself becomes the document Mrs. McKinstry thus recalled seeing, and the two-manuscript notion disappears from all further consideration. While the Enigmaites have every right to make use of their cumbersome manuscript title in elucidating the Spalding claims, they are well advised to also state that Spalding himself may have never made use of that particular title. p. 31 - "no similarities whatsoever between the two works" - Most informed Book of Mormon defenders never argued the point in this way. Rather, they have been prone to say that there was just enough similarity between the basic pattern of Spalding's "Roman story," and that of the Book of Mormon's story, to make forgetful, coached witnesses mistake the former as having been the precursor to the latter. It has been due to this very sort of fuzzy reasoning, that LDS and RLDS readers have been able to peruse lengthy lists of thematic and vocabulary similarities between those two stories, and then dismiss all the resemblance as something to be expected in any two early 19th century English language texts giving an account of the origin, development, and unfortunate fate of ancient American Christians and pagans. p. 32 - "minister of the gospel... Mormon elder" -- The Enigma authors differentiate between these two title as though they are mutually exclusive. And, no doubt they are, in the eyes of their Lutheran editors and publishers. But it is just such comments on their part, that may cause Book of Mormon believers to discount the authors' previous statement, saying that they are putting forth "no religious arguments." Elder Winchester functioned very much like a Protestant minister in his pastoring of the Philadelphia LDS branches -- in that ministry he could organize new congregations, preside, consecrate, preach, teach, baptize, confirm, ordain, counsel, marry, and bury just like a Presbyterian elder, a Reformed Baptist elder, etc. p. 32 - "Winchester's 'slanderous conduct'" -- It is true that the Mormon leaders during the Nauvoo era became upset with Elder Winchester and eventually excommunicated him. Since Winchester was the secret brother-in-law of Joseph Smith, Jr., and a friend to both Joseph's brother William, and to Sidney Rigdon, his separation from the Saints was a gradual one, marked by equivocation on both sides. Still, it seems rather inconsistent of the Enigma authors to accept the word of the Nauvoo leadership on the subject of Winchester's truthfulness, when they so rarely accept Winchester's word on various historical matter. Winchester may indeed be an unreliable source -- but at some points in the developmemt of the Spalding claims, he is the only contemporary reporter whose account of certain events has survived. His reporting (like that of Elder Hurlbut, whose truthfulness was also denied by the LDS leaders) should be made use of accordingly. p. 32 - "Doctor Hurlbut... sincere effort" - Just how "sincere" D. P. Hurlbut's investigative motives and methods may have been at any point in his notorious career is open to considerable controversy. He very likely limited his "sincere efforts" to only those endeavors which suited his pre-judged purposes (which were anything but objective ones). Still, the authors make a good point in saying that Hurlbut did not originate the Spalding authorship claims. They make another good point in saying that his activities, in order to be successful, depended upon his gathering together a certain amount of accurate information regarding Solomon Spalding, Spalding's writings, etc. LDS and RLDS defenders have typically responded to all of this, with the counter-claim, that Hurlbut wished to find and suppress Spalding's writings, so that he could further embellish the "Spalding lie" without any fear of detection. In this view of events, Hurlbut gave up his attempts at document recovery and suppression when he handed his collection of research findings over to E. D. Howe, early in 1834. The greatest flaw in this train of thought is the fact that Hurlbut went to the trouble of exhibiting Spalding's "Roman story" to the writer's old friends at Conneaut, soliciting their affirmations, and documenting the results on a back page of the manuscript now preserved at Oberlin Collge -- and all of this accomplished weeks before he entered into his dealings with E. D. Howe (who has also unjustly been accused of suppressing that particular manuscript). p. 33 - "boyish-looking... 'High Priest' Orson Hyde" - A personal inquiry to the Enigma writers reveals that they here truly intended to speak of the craggy-faced Orson Hyde (1805-1878) and not about the (then) more youthful Orson Pratt (1811-1881). p. 34 - "May or beginning of June... Doctor Hurlbut's Mormon companions" -- The Enigma writers provide a sketchy outline of Hurlbut's activities, in which ecclesiastical action is first taken against him following Elder Orson Hyde's early June, 1833 return to Kirtland from the Pennsylvania missionary field. In a 1900 statement eye-witness Benjamin Winchester describes Hurlbut as "a sharp, tonguey fellow" who "became an elder... seduced a girl named Barns... [and] the church, to cover up the matter, urged him to marry her. He refused and then we expelled him." If Winchester's memory can be trusted, it seems that the Erie Co. Pennsylvania Mormon leaders met at local "conference" held late in May 1833, disfellowshipped Hurlbut, and confiscated his Elder's license. This council may have been held at Elk Creek, in the home of Winchester's father. Shortly thereafter, on May 29, 1833, Elder Orson Hyde baptized Anna Barnes Harmon, who was almost certainly the sister of the Mormon girl whom Hurlbut had seduced. Hyde then proceded to Kirtland, and there brought excommunication charges against his wayward missionary companion, the already disfellowshipped D. P. Hurlbut. In his 1840 booklet, Elder Winchester provides some additional details, saying: "he was cast off from the church, and his license taken from him by the conference; at first he appeared impenitent and obdurate, but afterwards professed penitence and humility; he soon left for Kirtland, to appeal to the general conference, when his case was reheard, and, in consequence of confession and acknowledgment, his license was restored." In order for the Kirtland church court to have rendered such a decision, Hurlbut must have offered acceptable satisfaction in the matter of the "girl named Barns." Possibly the two were married at that time, but no record of their brief union was recorded at the county courthouse, because Mormon marriages were not then recognized by the civil authority. If this is what actually happened, all mention of the ill-fated 1833 ceremony may have been purposely forgotten, when Huldah Barnes of Erie Co., Pennsylvania later moved to Nauvoo and there wed Apostle Heber C. Kimball, on Feb. 3, 1846. p. 35 - "November 1834... Mormons circulate... stories about Hurlbut" -- It appears more likely that the Mormon leaders began to make public accusations regarding Hurlbut's character as early as Apr. 1834, following his legal defeat at Chardon. Since D. P. Hurlbut is not known to have ever made any published attempt to refute the accusations made against him (in regard to his adultery and/or fornication while he was a Methodist, Mormon and Moravian), those accusations may have contained more than the germ of truth. For information regarding Hurlbut's probable views on "spiritual wifery" see the comments attached to Benjamin Winchester's 1900 statement and to the 1854 notice of Julia Hurlbut's "spiritual marriage." p. 36 - "Hurlbut... now saw it as his loyal duty to God" -- Given the fact that D. P. Hurlbut moved, in rather rapid succession, from the Methodists, to the Mormons, to the Millerites, to the Moravians (United Brethren), to the Spiritualists (as an "elder" or "minister" dogged by accusations of fornication, adultery or marital infidelity), it appears that he was a religious con-man who possessed little or no sense of godly duty. In his 2005 BYU Studies article, "Joseph Smith and the 1834 D. P. Hurlbut Case," researcher David W. Grua concludes that "Smith was not the only religious figure with whom Hurlbut had trouble." The same article points out the fact that "Hurlbut was able to evade the arm of justice; for three years, the sheriff could not find him." While Hurlbut's failure to pay his 1834 court costs may be seen as a relatively minor transgression, the charges made against him in the mysterious 1837 death of Garrett Brass probably indicate that he was not then viewed by many as being dutiful to God. p. 38 - "Jackson readily remembered Spalding and Manuscript Story..." -- One circumstance not pointed out by the Enigma authors is the fact that the slight account evidently provided by "Mr. Jackson" does not contain one scrap of information concerning Spalding's Roman story, that had not previously been published by Howe in 1834. The alleged Jackson account was not printed until many months after Howe's book had obtained a wide circulation. If the alleged memories are traceable back to Solomon Spalding's old associate, Lyman Jackson, it may be significant that Lyman passed away in 1835, after Howe's book was printed, but before Benjamin Winchester published his quotes from "Mr. Jackson." This fact leaves open the possibility that Lyman (whose daughter had by then joined the Mormons) merely made some reference to E. D. Howe's summary -- or, worse yet, that Winchester concocted testimony for a dead man. These combined circumstances render the alleged Jackson recollections worthless to the serious historian. p. 38 - "Spalding and his work... Hurlbut's conversations" -- One significant possibility overlooked by the Enigma authors, is that D. P. Hurlbut may have obtained substantial exposure to the Spalding authorship claims during the course of that part of his 1833 Mormon mission conducted in Crawford Co., Pennsylvania. Benjamin Winchester states that Hurlbut "made several converts in Crawford county, Pa.," which is precisely where John Spalding lived at the time. There is reason to assume that John Spalding, a staunch Baptist, would have responded to reports of Mormon preaching in or near his home township with alarm. He may have attended one of more of the Mormons' services, to ascertain what their message was. At least this is the picture provided by his sister-in-law, who in 1839 stated that this "pious man" attended a public meeting in which the Book of Mormon was read aloud, "and recognized perfectly the work of his brother. He was amazed and afflicted, that it should have been perverted to so wicked a purpose... he arose on the spot, and expressed to the meeting his deep sorrow and regret, that the writings of his sainted brother should be used for a purpose so vile and shocking." While John's sister-in-law places this meeting at Conneaut, Ohio, she was not an eye-witness to the event and may have conflated several reports that she received from friends or family in the Conneaut area of Pennsylvania and Ohio. If John Spalding was indeed so "amazed" as her report says, that fact indicates that his first exposure to the Book of Mormon text came unexpectedly, in a meeting he attended out of pious alarm and curiosity -- a meeting of the sort D. P. Hurlbut, the great talker, would have naturally conducted in Crawford County during the spring of 1833. p. 55 - "Hurlbut hastened to Hartwick... a single Spalding manuscript... clearly not what he had hoped to find" -- The Enigma authors do not explain just how it could be so "clear" (to Hurlbut, themselves, or their readers) that the anti-Mormon investigator recovered only a single manuscript at Hartwick -- not the "Manuscript Found." In the immediate aftermath of his visit to Hartwick, Hurlbut had published a notice in which he claimed to have "succeeded in accomplishing the object of his mission," that "mission" having been carried out primarily for the purpose of finding the "Manuscript Found" and comparing it to the Book of Mormon text. According to an 1879 statement from Spalding's grandson, his mother "gave Hurlbut a letter" permitting him to take possession of the "Manuscript Found," and, had that particular document not "been in said trunk, she... never would have written that letter... that she ever after believed that the M.S. was delivered to Hurlbut." Given the fact that his grandmother (Spalding's widow) could have (and obviously would have) inquired of her relatives in New York, for particulars regarding Hurlbut's activities there, it appears that she was never informed by them that Hurlbut found only a single manuscript (not "Manuscript Found") at Hartwick. In fact, according to the 1880 statement of her foster daughter, she and the widow "afterwards heard that he [Hurlbut] had received it ["Manuscript Found"] from Mr. Clark, at Hartwicks." In a less direct account, attributed to an 1842 letter, the widow evidently recalled that in 1833 or 1834 she "received a letter from Hurlbut, in which he told her that he had obtained from the trunk what he had come for, the manuscript of "Manuscript Found," and that when he had taken it to the parties that sent him, and it had been used for the purpose for which they wanted it." At least one of those "parties," who supported D. P. Hurlbut in his 1833 research in the east, reported seeing the document in question, and seeing his associates use that document for the purpose for which they wanted it. James A. Briggs reported in 1886: "D. P. Hurlbut... was employed to look up testimony. He was present with the committee and had Spaulding's original manuscript with him. We compared it, chapter by chapter with the Mormon Bible. It was written in the same style; many of the names were the same... Of this the committee had no doubt whatever." That same year Briggs also stated: "At the meeting... in 1834... we had this very identical "manuscript" now published among the papers submitted by Dr. Hurlburt. We also had a copy of the 'Manuscript Found,' that was compared with the Mormon Bible and satisfied the committee that it was the basis of the Mormon Bible." Besides Mr. Briggs, several other residents of the Kirtland area claimed in later years to have seen Hurlbut exhibit the "Manuscript Found" during his public lectures at the end of 1833 -- these witnesses include a Kirtland Justice of the Peace with whom Hurlbut personally visited and apparently temporarily resided. Researcher Clark Braden claimed to have the statements of several eye-witnesses to Hurlbut's 1833 display of the "Manuscript Found" in his possession, and in 1891 allowed publication of some excerpts from these statements. Given this evidence, the Enigma authors' conclusion -- that Hurlbut "clearly" recovered only "a single manuscript" at Hartwick, is totally inexplicible. The authors might have stated that, contrary to all of the evidence, they found some "clear" reason for reaching their peculiar conclusion, but they chose instead to effectively suppress that evidence and to cut future investigators off from pursuing an intriguing path of prospective inquiry. Perhaps D. P. Hurlbut never did exhibit Spalding's "Manuscript Found" in and around Kirtland, Ohio in the last days of December, 1833 -- perhaps he displayed a clever forgery which he himself created on his return trip to Ohio. Whatever the case may have been, it is in no way "clear" that Hurlbut initially claimed to have recovered only a single manuscript at Hartwick. p. 77 - "Hurlbut placed little value upon it and soon lost it amidst the clutter of his printing business" -- The readers of Enigma may be excused for wondering just how it was that D. P. Hurlbut came into possession of an Ohio printing business. No doubt the authors meant to say that because D. P. Hurlbut placed little value upon Spalding's Roman story, E. D. Howe also discounted its importance and soon lost it. The authors' sentence was more intelligible in their 2000 version of the text, where they merely spoke of Howe and left Hurlbut out of the discussion altogether. p. 94 - "the manuscript takes up again at the top of page 135 without any apparent break in the story" -- Here the Enigma authors utilize a mistake in their comprehension of the physical structure of Spalding's Roman Story manuscript as a base from which to launch into some imaginative speculation that adds nothing substantial to their historical reconstructions. At the center of these odd notions comes this conclusion: "the sheet... 133-134 was removed... [as] a blank sheet... Spalding, when he resumed work on the manuscript... began writing again at the top of the next blank, but already numbered page -- 135 -- without noticing the break in numerical sequence.... The only other pages missing from the manuscript are 143-144. Once again, these are both sides of a single sheet, but in this case the leaf must have been removed after completion because its absence produces an obvious gap in the text." To this mistaken idea, Ted Chandler responded nearly five years ago: "They claim that the missing sheet containing pages 133 and 134 does not cause a break in the narrative, but in my opinion there clearly is a break." Not only is there a two-page break in the story (page 135 continues a "catalog of chieftains" in mid-narration) but the breaks at 133-34 and 143-44 were created by the loss from one sewn signature of Spalding's manuscript, of a single folded sheet, bearing the first two pages on the first half of the fold and the second two pages from the second half of the fold. The four pages in question evidently comprised the outermost sheet of a signature of several similarly folded pages. This manuscript structure was documented by an eye-witness, in 1885 before the Oberlin College library staff had the entire document bound between leather covers: "leaves were stitched together with linen thread, thus forming them into little sections... Take a sheet of paper thirteen inches wide and sixteen inches long, double twice, so as to leave it six and a half by eight inches, and you have the precise manner of the arrangement of the paper for use." Considerable detail relating to this matter has been available on-line for the last several years. pp. 158-9 - "Rigdon told Brigham... statement to Jeffries" -- The Enigma authors here lift a lenghty block of text (without attribution) from a ‘Book of Mormon Authorship’ web-page composed and hosted by Ted Chandler. As early as 2005 Chandler objected personally to the writers over this use of his material. Recently the authors have indirectly extended an apology for their oversight in reproducing this material a second time -- however, in response to Chandler's second accusation (“Some of my other ideas also pop up [in the 2005 book], but without attribution") the Enigmaites' supposition evidently is that "they were simply not unique." This supposition may or may not be true; but since on-line documents are fairly easily searchable, the authors might be well advised to look on the web and make the textual comparisons for themselves. pp. 244 - "[Orsamus] Turner knew Oliver [Cowdery]" -- The Enigma authors depend a great deal upon the reporting of New York newspaperman Orsamus Turner for their reconstruction of pre-1830 events in and around Palmyra leading up to the establishment of the Mormon Church. Again, on page 258 of their book, the writers say: "it has already been established that he knew Oliver Cowdery in Palmyra in 1822." Perhaps that fact has been "established" (to their satisfaction), but the writers neglect to mention that Mr. Turner nowhere (in any known writings) ever distinctly says that he knew Oliver or associated with him in any way. It is entirely possible that Turner's reporting in regard to Oliver came as second-hand information from some unidentified source. Ted Chandler made mention of this problem in the Enigma text as early as 2000, but the writers have only recently (and indirectly) taken notice of Chandler's insightful comments: "The authors tend to put words into Turner’s mouth... Turner does assert that Cowdery was involved with the Smith family at an early date, but he never says that he knew Oliver or that his information came from personal knowledge." Before engaging in a good deal of detailed speculation about how and when Orsamus Turner came up with his "personal knowledge" of events pertaining to the foundation and early development of New York Mormonism, the Enigma authors might have brought the jist of Chandler's objection to their readers' attention -- then, with that small explanation safely behind them, they could have deduced and imagined all sorts of things in the comfort of knowing that those same readers were not likely to cite Enigma's conclusions as proven fact. p. 479 - "John Edward Page... appears to have made no personal effort to contact either Robert or Joseph Patterson in Pittsburgh" -- This strange conclusion marks one of the more significant bibliographical defects in the 2005 book, as the writers fail to give any notice to Elder William Small's 1876 account: "While I was living in Pittsburgh in 1841, at the time so much was said of the Book of Mormon, and in connection with the Solomon Spaulding Story. It was stated that the Spaulding manuscript was placed in Mr. Patterson's hands for publication, and that Sidney Rigdon was connected with him at the time. In connection with John E. Page I called upon General [sic] Patterson, the publisher..., etc." It is unlikely that the Enigma writers missed reading this interesting statement, as it is quoted and cited in comments appended to the only easily consulted transcript of an important 1842 pamphlet mentioned by the writers themselves. Possibly the methodology employed by the Enigmaites in selecting source material suitable to their reporting needs did not allow them to make reliable use of this "Mormon" document. (under construction) |
The following tabulation attempts to compensate for Enigma's lack of an index.
Although the cataloging info on the back of its title page promises such an index, it
has so far been made available by the authors only as
a pdf web-document.
The excerpt below comprises less than 5% of a much larger index constructed
on July 1, 2005 and does not constitute anything more than a "fair use" of the
book's contents. The larger index will only be posted if permission is granted by
the publisher / copyright holders. If permission is not given, it will not appear here.