- THE SPALDING RESEARCH PROJECT -
Dale R. Broadhurst's ‘The Spalding Saga’
Chronology
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Fairchild's Letters
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L. L. Rice's Letters
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Fairchild's Writings
The 1884 Discovery in Hawaii
Episode Eleven in the Spalding Saga
(this section is under construction)
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John Whitney home, where the MS was found in 1884
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Mary S. Rice Whitney
(photo taken in 1919)
Lewis L. Rice.
b. March, 1801; Otsego Co., N. Y
m. 5 Jan 1823; Portage, OH
Chloe Pratt
m. 26 Jul 1832; Ravenna, , OH
Sarah Coleman (b: 16 May 1799)
1840 Census: Summit Twp: Northampton, OH
(probably actually lived in Painesville)
1850 Census: Columbus, Franklin, OH
1860 Census: Columbus, Franklin, OH
1870 Census: Columbus, Franklin, OH
1879 -- came to Honolulu
only son: Rev. Wm. Rice of New York,
died: April 14, 1886
aged 85 years, 1 month
children:
Mary Sophronia Rice
b. 29 Nov 1837; Cleveland Cuyahoga, OH
m. 5 Aug 1869, Oberlin, Lorain, OH
John Morgan Whitney
d. 22 Feb 1825; Honolulu, Oahu, HI
letters to James H. Fairchild --
Feb. 16, 1887
July 30, 1887
The Descendants of John Whitney, Who Came from London,
England, to Watertown, Massachusetts, in 1635.
by Frederick Clifton Pierce (Chicago: 1895)
[pages 600-601]
DR. JOHN MORGAN WHITNEY
(Moses A., Moses, Samuel, Samuel, Nathaniel, Nathaniel, John, John),
b. 1 Oct 1835; Marlboro, VT
m. 5 Aug 1869; Oberlin, Lorain, OH
Mary Sophronia RICE, b. Nov. 29, 1837.
John Morgan WHITNEY was born in Marlboro, Vt., Oct.
1, 1835, in the home of his grandfather. At two years of
age he was taken by his parents to Strongsville, O., but on
the death of his mother soon after their arrival, he was
brought back to his uncle, Stephen WHITNEY, in Marlboro,
where he remained two or three years. He then went to
live with his father in Strongsville, O. After his father's
second marriage his older brother, Locke, was brought
from his uncle, William WHITNEY'S, in Rowe, Mass., and
for the first time they knew each other as brothers. A
few years of school and the father took his family to the
new state of Illinois. The home was not far from the river
DuPage; upon its meadows deer were then more plentiful
than cattle, so that scarcely an hour in the day during the
summer there could not be seen several; often thirty or
forty were counted at a time. In the waters were found
the most enticing fish that ever inveigled a boy from work.
The first school of the three months was taught by the father.
The next three months the following year was taught by a young
man who sat with his cap on with a rod by his side long enough
to reach the head of the farthermost boy, and when any one
disturbed him in his reading "PAINE'S Age of Reason" and similar
works, he was given a cut across the head and shoulders,
and the reading continued. The next year a school-house was built and
an excellent teacher was engaged.
After the father's death, the two
boys went back to Strongsville to their guardian's, Mr. Jubal Whitney.
Here they enjoyed the privileges of excellent schools and were by them
prepared to enter the preparatory department of Oberlin college.
By teaching winters, with some assistance they easily carried forward
their education. During the summer vacation of 1856, Locke being in
Strongsville, the town was visited with dysentery as an epidemic. The
scourge was so fatal that none dare venture to care for the sick outside
of the family. One family could find no one to care for them, and he
volunteered his help, and, being overworked by his studies, soon fell
before the destroyer, in the twenty-first year of his age -- a young man
of great promise. The complete failure of John's health compelled him to
relinquish study for several years. During the war he obtained a clerkship
in the quartermaster's department of Tennessee, and was there until the
war closed.
He came home, studied dentistry under Dr. J. F. SIDDALL, of Oberlin, O.,
and graduated from the dental college of Pennsylvania. During the summer
of 1869 he was married to Mary S. RICE, of Oberlin, and took for his wedding
tour a trip to Honolulu, Hawaiian island. Here he commenced the practice of
dentistry, the second dentist in the Islands after Dr. John Mott-Smith's arrival in 1851.
After four years he returned with his wife to Columbus, O., where he
took a course and graduated from the Starling Medical college of that city. He
opened an office for the practice of dentistry in Cleveland, where he had two
children born to him. Finding the weather too severe for health, in the fall of
1876 he returned with his family to Honolulu, where he has been in the
successful practice of his profession ever since; res. Honolulu, Hawaiian Is.
Note: 1910 Hawaii Census shows John living in Honolulu. John is listed in
his wife's will, dated May 19, 1924 -- presumably still living then.
children:
Mary Louise
b. Sept. 27, 1874; Cleveland, Cuyahoga, OH
d. Dec. 13, 1879 -- prob. in Hawaii
William Locke
b. Feb. 8, 1876; Cleveland, Cuyahoga, OH
m. c. 1898; Saida Mae Sutton
d. bet. 1910 -1924; Honolulu, Oaho, HI
Ada Rice
b. July 25, 1877 (adopted -- prob. in Hawaii, c. 1880)
m. c. 1897; Mr. Weinrich (he died before 1910)
1910 census shows her on Oaho
d. aft. 1825
children:
Whitney W. Weinrich
b. c. 1900
d. aft. 1925
Sidney J. Weinrich
b. 18 Jun 1909
d. 25 Sep 1998
Ann (adopted)
b. c. 1910
d. aft 1824
William Holden Rice
b. 4 Jan 1841; Painesville, Lake, OH
1862: Graduated B.A., Oberlin College
1865: Graduated from Oberlin Theological School
1869 ordained Presbyterian minister
1870s: Member of the Cong. Council in Genesee, Illinois.
1870s-80s Preached in Brooklyn, Ohio, Mt. Carroll, IL,
1880s: Washington DC, Vernon, NY, Addison, NY
1890s: Benton Harbor, MI.
m. 25 Apr 1867; Oberlin, Lorain, OH
Libbie P. Kinney
Children
Lewis George Rice
b: 6 Feb 1868; Oberlin, Lorain, OH
d. 29 Aug 1868; Oberlin, Lorain, OH
Harold Kinney Rice
b: 8 Dec 1869; Oberlin, Lorain, OH
Not to be confused with William Hyde Rice (1846-1924) the Governor of Kauai.
Addison, Steuben, NY -- 1885-87
, , OH -- 1890
1901 - Nov 8
letter written from Panchau St. Honolulu
1900 and 1910 census show William H. Rice:
Lihue District, Island of Kauai
d. between 1910 and 1924, prob. Hawaii
Lewis L. Rice edited The Lorain County News from March 1, 1864 until
October, 1865. Mr. Rice was the only editor of The News during the Civil War
that was never a student of Oberlin College (Williams Brothers, 65). He came
to the paper with 42 years of experience in the business, managing and
editing abolitionist newspapers (Williams Brothers, 66).
Rice's credits included editing The Ohio Star.
He was the publisher and editor of The Cleveland Whig from August 20, 1834
until 1837. In January of 1835 Rice was joined by another veteran of the
news business, R. Penniman. In 1836 Penniman and Rice began publishing The
Cleveland Gazette, which later became The Cleveland Daily Gazette. They
sold both The Whig and The Gazette to Charles Whittlesey and A. H. Lewis
on January 3, 1837 (Encyclopedia of Cleveland History, 2nd Edition, Ed.
David D. VanTassel and John J. Grabowski [Bloomington and Indianapolis,
Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1996]).
In 1839 Rice became the editor of the Painesville Telegraph
(Emilius O. Randall and Daniel J. Ryan, History of Ohio: The Rise and
Progress of An American State, vol. 3 [New York: The Century History
Company, 1912] 401).
L. L. Rice took over as the editor and publisher of The
Ohio American which was an organ of the anti-slavery Liberty Party. He
worked for The Ohio American from September 19, 1844 to August 28, 1845.
In August the paper moved from Ohio City, just outside Cleveland, to Cleveland
proper and the name was changed to The Cleveland American. Rice stayed with
this paper until May 28, 1847 (Encyclopedia of Cleveland History). Lewis L.
Rice, who was an attorney, also served as the private secretary to Ohio
Governor Chase. After Rice edited The Lorain County News he moved to
Columbus, Ohio where he served as the Superintendent of Public Printing for
the state of Ohio during the next twelve years. Rice finally retired to
Oberlin (Williams Brother, 66).
Rice should be most remembered in connection with the Spaulding papers.
When Lewis Rice took over as editor of The Painesville Telegraph in 1839 he
acquired many papers including the manuscript of Solomon Spaulding.
Spaulding was one of the early Mormons. Some Christians who opposed the
founding of this denomination speculated that the Book of Mormon was a
plagiarism of Spaulding's works. Spaulding's works had been missing for a
number of years, therefore it was impossible to prove the plagiarism. Rice
turned the papers over to James Fairchild, President of Oberlin College,
when he realized their significance in 1884. Fairchild subsequently read the
manuscript and discredited the charges of plagiarism leveled against the
Book of Mormon in a speech in 1884. The Solomon Spaulding Manuscripts are
now in the possession of Oberlin College. This work is considered by some to
be part of the Book of Mormon (Randall and Ryan, 401-404).
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A Chronology of the
Oberlin Spalding Manuscript
Part One: 1811-1878
1879-1883
1884
1885
1886
1887-1899
1900 on
1811
Solomon Spalding, while residing in New Salem, Ohio, supervises the opening of an Indian mound. Ancient artifacts discovered in the excavation greatly interest him. Somebody in New Salem has a dream about there being some ancient records in mound. Solomon Spalding is influenced by New York Governor DeWitt Clinton's theories that the American mound-builders were actually ancient Romans and that elephants roamed the ancient Americas. According to the 1839 recollection of his widow, Spalding now conceives "the idea of giving an historical sketch of" the ancient Americans, the "long lost race" which had built the strange old mounds found in places like Conneaut township, Ohio.
To concoct this "historical sketch," Spalding combines plot elements supplied by the local dreamer with then contemporary theories regarding the mound-builders, and begins to compose a short, untitled story. This unfinished and admittedly "sketchy" story was apparently the document that would later be discovered in 1884, by Lewis L. Rice, in Honolulu. In her 1839 testimony, Spalding's widow tells how "he progressed in his narrative;" calls that narrative a "historical romance" (instead of a sketch); and says that he " imitated" the ancient-sounding "style" he found in "the Old Testament." Although these fragments of testimony do not add up to an account of Solomon Spalding first writing a "sketch" and then "progressing" to the writing of a different "historical romance" in the "style" found in "the Old Testament," her account might allow for that interpretation of this little known man and his writings.
1812 (late spring?)
Solomon Spalding's brother Josiah visits him at New Salem and while there reads Solomon's still unfinished mound-builder romance. About a year after the death of her husband, Solomon Spalding's widow would inform Josiah (see ahead: 1817) that his brother had finished his story of ancient America. This cannot be said of Spalding's "Roman" story -- at least not in the draft that has survived as the Oberlin Spalding manuscript Josiah would years later record this experience in a letter to the Rev. George Chapman (see ahead: Jan. 6, 1855).
1812 (summer)
Solomon Spalding reportedly informs a few of his neighbors that he has abandoned the writing of his first "Roman" story and is composing a lengthier story of the ancient Americans, set at an earlier period in history and written in the style of the biblical ("King James") scriptures. He commences reading episodes from this new epic (his infamous "Manuscript Found") to his neighbors in their periodic evening social gatherings at his home.
1812 (fall)
Solomon Spalding leaves New Salem and moves to Pittsburgh, taking his untitled "Roman" story and his other writings along with him. The Spalding holograph now on file at Oberlin College bears many signs of corrections and re-copying; Spalding may have done that re-writing either before or after leaving New Salem.
1813-14: (winter)
After failing in a temporary job of selling art prints in Pittsburgh, Solomon Spalding apparently leaves his wife and adopted daughter behind in Pittsburgh (sewing uniforms for the army troops in the War of 1812), while reportedly spends the winter with the Wilson family near the town of Washington. During this period Spalding was seen writing on his historical fiction. He may have been revising his "Roman" story into the version now on file in the Oberlin College Library. But, more likely, he was revising his "Manuscript Found," after having its initial draft refused for publication in Pittsburgh.
1814: (summer & fall)
Solomon Spalding returns to Pittsburgh and lives there with his wife and adopted daughter until October, they move to nearby Amity, Pennsylvania. He takes the untitled "Roman" story with him and it remains unfinished, among his personal papers thereafter.
1816: Oct. 20
Solomon Spalding dies at Amity. His "Roman" story of the ancient mound-builders becomes the property of his widow, Matilda, along with the rest of his meager estate.
1816-17: (winter)
At about this time Solomon Spalding's widow, Matilda, reportedly takes one of his manuscripts to the Rev. Robert Patterson, Sr., in Pittsburgh, asking if Patterson would publish it for one half of the profits. While this may manuscript have been a finished version of Spalding's "Roman" story, it seems much more likely that the widow brought Rev. Patterson the final draft of the "Manuscript Found," a re-written version of her late husband's story that the Patterson brothers had not previously seen. Rev. Patterson reportedly declines to publish this particular fictional work. This account was first related in the Oct. 15, 1876 issue of the Saints' Herald. It contains this recollection by a Mormon who later interviewed Patterson: "after he [Robert Patterson, Sr.] had due time to consider it, he determined not to publish it. She [the widow] then came and received the manuscript from his hands, and took it away."
1816-17: (winter)
Solomon Spalding's widow carries his fictional writings and various other personal papers to the home of her brother, the William H. Sabine residence in Onondaga Hollow, Onondaga Co., New York. According to the Spalding's adopted daughter, Matilda Spalding McKinstry, (see ahead: Apr. 3, 1880) she and her foster mother made this move "directly after his death." However, it is possible that the widow's obligations and activities in Pennsylvania prevented the relocation until the first part of 1817.
By this time, at least, Spalding's unfinished "Roman" story, along with his other fictional writings, personal papers, sermons, etc. are packed in an old, hair-covered trunk. While this trunk is at the Sabine residence, its contents are occasionally examined by Spalding's widow and her adopted daughter (the future Matilda McKinstry), but no mention is made in existing sources of any body then reading through the unfinished "Roman" story. Mrs. McKinstry's description (from 1880) are: "We carried all our personal effects with us, and one of these was an old trunk, in which my mother had placed all my father's writings which had been preserved... There were sermons and other papers, and I saw a manuscript, about an inch thick, closely written, tied with some of the stories my father had written for me." Mrs. McKinstry would later identify the document by saying: "On the outside of this manuscript were written the words, "Manuscript Found." Whether or not she was actually recalling and describing the Oberlin "Roman" story manuscript has been a matter of controversy since the 1880s.
1817
Spalding's widow, Matilda, lives in the State of New York, for "a while" (according to her brother-in-law, Josiah Spalding) "and then came to Connecticut" on a visit. The widow probably made this journey in 1817. It was about then (according Mrs. McKinstry's 1880 statement), "After we had been at my uncle's for some time, my mother left me there and went to her father's house at Pomfret, Connecticut..." Josiah was then living in that same area. He would later report of the widow, that "She informed me, if I recollect right, that my brother continued his history of the civilized nation and the progress of the war until the triumph of the savages to the destruction of the civilized government." This conclusion to the story is missing from the Oberlin "Roman" story manuscript. However, it matches well with the conclusion of the Book of Mormon.
If what the widow actually said to Josiah was that her husband "continued to work at writing a history of a civilized nation" in ancient America, then her report would correspond to the testimony attributed to the Conneaut witnesses in E. D. Howe's book: "This old M. S. [Spalding's "Roman" story] has been shown to several of the foregoing witnesses, who recognise it as Spalding's, he having told them that he had altered his first plan of writing, by going farther back with dates, and writing in the old scripture style, in order that it might appear more ancient. They say that it bears no resemblance to the 'Manuscript Found.'" This explanation of what the widow said to Josiah would also correspond with the Dec. 1833 testimony of Aaron Wright: "Hurlbut is now at my store I have examined the writings which he has obtained from said Spaldings widowe [i.e., the "Roman" story] I recognise them to be the writings handwriting of said Spalding but not the manuscript I had refferance to in my statement before alluded to [the "Manuscript Found"] as he informed me he wrote in the first place for his own amusement and then altered his plan and commenced writing a history of the first settlement of America the particulars you will find in my testimony dated August 1833."
1818
Spalding's widow returns from her 1817 visit in Connecticut and resumes living with her daughter in the William H. Sabine home in Onondaga Hollow. Among the other residents in the home at that time is Ann Marie Treadwell, the headmistress of the local academy (1800-c.1888 -- md. Lewis H. Redfield, 1820).
While boarding with the Sabines, Ann Marie hears "the family talk of a manuscript in their possession... [that the late] Rev. Mr. Spaulding, had written." Although she never reads the story, "its substance was so often mentioned, and the peculiarity of the story, that years afterward, when the Mormon Bible was published" Ann Marie would read it and see the resemblance between it and Mrs. Spaulding's account of 'The Manuscript Found.'" While the story that Miss Treadwell remembered being discussed in the Sabine home may have been Spalding's "Roman" story, it is difficult to imagine that even repeated references to the content of that sketchy, unfinished story would cause anyone to recall much "resemblance" between it and the Book of Mormon.
1819: Nov. 2
Solomon Spalding's widow marries a Mr. John Davison of Cooperstown and becomes Matilda Spalding Davison. The couple lives in or Cooperstown and (according to Mrs. McKinstry's 1880 statement) Mrs. Davison has some of her possessions transported to her in Otsego Co., New York from her brother's residence in Onondaga. Among those possessions is the "old hair trunk" containing Spalding's "Roman" story, a copy of his "Manuscript Found" and other personal papers.
1828 (winter?)
Matilda Spalding Davison's adopted daughter marries Dr. Oliver W. McKinstry of Monson, Massachusetts (apparently at Cooperstown). The wedding occurred in 1828 but the exact date remains unknown. At some point after her marriage, Mrs. McKinstry (according to her 1880 statement) "went there [Monson] to reside." This relocation probably occurred late the following year -- according to the church records, Matilda Spalding McKinstry joined the Monson Congregational Church in December 1829, by "profession," indicating that she was a Congregationalist in New York, before she moved to Monson.
1830-31
A few months after her daughter left Otsego Co., New York, to live in Monson, Massachusetts, Matilda Spalding Davison apparently experiences marital difficulties with her husband, Mr. John Davison, in Cooperstown, and (according to Mrs. McKinstry's 1880 statement) leaves him and eventually moves to Monson herself. A few months prior to her moving to Monson, Mrs. Davison takes her possessions and moves into the home of her younger cousin and her husband, Mrs. and Mr. Jerome Clark of nearby Hartwick, Otsego Co. Matilda Spalding Davison spends the winter of 1830-31 with the Clark family. At this time she places one of her old trunks (containing her late husband's writings and personal papers) in the care of Mr. Jerome Clark During this period she allows people to read some of her late husband's writings, which she has with her.
1831: (winter-spring)
While Matilda Spalding Davison is living with the Jerome Clark family at Hartwick, during the first weeks of 1831, they are visited for a period by Mr. Clark's future daughter-in-law, Miss Nancy Brace. During the course of her visit Mrs. Davison loans Miss Brace one of her late husband's manuscript to read. The girl reads "a part of it" and then returns it. If Nancy Brace Clark's 1881 testimony can be believed, Mrs. Davison (some time before the widow left there during the first half of 1831) tells the girl that material from this manuscript provided "the origin of the Mormon Bible."
It is difficult to imagine that Matilda Spalding Davison was so aware of incipient Mormonism (which was only then beginning to be reported in the newspapers) that she could guess that one of her husband's stories provided the basis for that strange new religion -- and then move off leaving that literary evidence practically unprotected. If there is any truth in this account, it appears far more likely that this notion was communicated to Nancy three years later, when D. P. Hurlbut came to the Clark residence to procure Solomon Spalding's writings. BY that time Matilda Spalding Davison was long gone -- she reportedly left the Clarks during the Spring of 1831 and she is not known to have ever returned.
1831: (spring-summer)
Mrs. Davison leaves New York, "intending to send for it," but the trunk and its contents (including Spalding's "Roman" story) remain with the Clark family in Hartwick along with other items of her furniture. A year or two later, after she has relocated to Monson and is living with her adopted daughter, Mrs. Davison writes to Jerome Clark, "to sell her effects... and remit to her the proceeds." After Jerome does this, her "old trunk still remained in the garret," holding some of her late husband's writings (including his "Roman" story).
1832: Feb. 14-15
Elders Samuel H. Smith and Orson Hyde preach from the Book of Mormon at New Salem (soon to be re-named Conneaut) and Solomon Spalding's old neighbor, Nehemiah King, is reminded of Spalding's fictional writings. From this incident (and from the local reaction to Mormon conversions in the area) springs forth the Solomon Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon.
1832: (fall or winter?)
Nehemiah King (Solomon Spalding's old neighbor) dies at New Salem. Following his passing it appears that the Solomon Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon were chiefly championed by other of Spalding's old neighbors, like Aaron Wright and Henry Lake. Elders Samuel H. Smith and Orson Hyde failed to make any Mormon converts in New Salem, but they had better success in the adjacent county of Erie, in Pennsylvania. Within a few months (according to LDS missionary Jared Carter) a "great opposition" arose in the Conneaut Creek area and some of these new members deserted the Mormon cause. This "great opposition" may have been based, in part, upon the Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon. No information has survived from this period to indicate whether those authorship claims were then dependent upon Spalding's old associates' memories of the Oberlin "Roman" story manuscript or the more famous "Manuscript Found."
1832-33
"Not long after" Matilda Spalding Davison moved (in the first half of 1831) to Monson, some news (according to Mrs. McKinstry's 1880 statement) of Mormonism, "and the report that it had been taken from... 'Manuscript Found'" reached the McKinstry home in Monson. Probably this "report" came from a correspondent among Mrs. Davison's old neighbors in the Conneaut area. Insufficient information has been preserved to firmly establish whether this "report" was based upon elements of "Mormonism" resembling some thematic elements in Spalding's "Roman" story (polygamy, seer stones, buried ancient records, divine revelation, etc.) -- but, it seems more likely (as McKinstry says) that the more biblical sounding "Manuscript Found" was the Spalding writing in question. Assuming that Mrs. Davison really did hear such a "report" connecting her late husband's writings with the text of the Book of Mormon, she was apparently half-convinced of there being such a connection long before D. P. Hurlbut ever came to visit her. This account seems to render incorrect the date, at least, of Nancy Brace Clark's 1881 testimony (see above: (spring 1831, in which Nancy says that Mrs. Davison knew of this probable connection before she moved to Monson.
1833: Apr. 1-2
LDS missionary D. P. Hurlbut arrives in Erie Co., Pennsylvania. Here he soon learns of Solomon Spalding's writings on the ancient Americans and that some residents of the Conneaut area have connected those writings with the text of the Book of Mormon. Hurlbut probably first heard of the Spalding authorship claims from Mr. Lyman Jackson in Erie County during the first days of April. It was perhaps this early also, that Mr. Jackson informed Hurlbut of details in Spalding's untitled "Roman" story (see ahead 1840).
1833: Apr. 6
LDS missionary D. P. Hurlbut is assigned by Hyrum Smith to be the proselytizing companion of Elder Orson Hyde (who has preached Mormonism in New Salem on Feb. 14-15, 1832). The two elders carrying out missionary work in Erie Co., Pennsylvania. It was perhaps shortly after this assignment that D. P. Hurlbut encountered people living on the border, near New Salem, Ohio, who were then advocating the Solomon Spalding claims for Book of Mormon authorship. It still has not been documented whether these claims were then based upon those persons' recollections of Spalding's "Roman" story or the reportedly more biblical sounding "Manuscript Found."
1833: mid-May
LDS missionary D. P. Hurlbut likely first meets Solomon Spalding's brother, John Spalding, and John's wife, Martha, while preaching Mormonism in Crawford Co., Pennsylvania. John would have known something about his brother's "Roman" story, but there is no record of his saying anything about its unique plot and features.
1833: July-Aug.
The recently excommunicated D. P. Hurlbut returns to Erie Co. Pennsylvania and gives public lectures condemning the Mormon Church. He has an opportunity here to further study Solomon Spalding claims for Book of Mormon authorship and he may have first mentioned Spalding's writings in public during these lectures. Hurlbut apparently ends up this anti-Mormon lecture tour in Crawford Co. about the middle of August. Almost certainly at this time D. P. Hurlbut solicits his first two Spalding authorship claims statements -- from Solomon Spalding's brother, John Spalding, and John's wife, Martha.
If D. P. Hurlbut based his research and explanation of the Spalding authorship claims upon reports of the Oberlin "Roman" story romance, he (and/or others) must have begun fabricating testimony saying that the "Manuscript Found" resembled the Book of Mormon at about this time. If he inherited those purportedly false claims from the so-called "Conneaut witnesses" themselves, then perhaps their purportedly false assertions concerning the content of the "Manuscript Found" were crafted before this time. In any case, the written testimony of John Spalding and his wife Martha Spalding must date from about this period. John says of his late brother's writings: "The book was entitled the 'Manuscript Found,' of which he read to me many passages. -- It was an historical romance of the first settlers of America, endeavoring to show that the American Indians are the descendants of the Jews, or the lost tribes. It gave a detailed account of their journey from Jerusalem, by land and sea, till they arrived in America, under the command of Nephi and Lehi." Martha says this of Solomon, shortly before he left Ohio for Pittsburgh: "he was then writing a historical novel founded upon the first settlers of America... the company which first came off from Jerusalem. He gave a particular account of their journey by land and sea, till they arrived in America, after which, disputes arose between the chiefs, which caused them to separate into different lands, one of which was called Lamanites and the other Nephites... I have read the Book of Mormon... the historical part of it is the same that I read and heard read... the phrases of 'and it came to pass,' &c. are the same."
It is quite obvious that these two witnesses' testimony could not have been derived from Spalding's "Roman" story, except in a few of the most general features they testify to recollect. Either they have told definite lies; or D. P. Hurlbut fabricated their testimony; or they told the truth. The particular details each deponent recounts could not have honestly arisen from a "faulty memory" of the Oberlin "Roman" story manuscript's contents -- not even with "a little judicious prompting" from D. P. Hurlbut.
1833: late Aug.
D. P. Hurlbut returns from Pennsylvania to Kirtland and calls a public meeting to discuss the problem of Mormonism. He solicits money from concerned residents, to finance his intended trip eastward, where he expects to gather further information on the secret origin of the Book of Mormon, etc. Hurlbut then no doubt exhibits his written statements from John and Martha Spalding to a select few anti-Mormons. They accept the intriguing possibility that the Book of Mormon was really derived from Solomon Spalding's "Manuscript Found" (so-called by John Spalding) and agree to employ Hurlbut to look up facts and testimony potentially destructive to Mormonism.
1833: late Aug.
D. P. Hurlbut leaves his residence in Kirtland and begins a journey by stagecoach to locate the missing fictional writings of Solomon Spalding -- which he perhaps believes are still in the keeping of William H. Sabine in New York. Upon his way to the East, Hurlbut stops over in Conneaut township, Ashtabula Co., and calls a meeting of concerned citizens in New Salem. There he secures more statements from old associates of Solomon Spalding and raises more money to cover his travel expenses. From New Salem he probably next travels to Pittsburgh seeking useful documents and testimony, then continues on to the Palmyra area of New York to solicit more of the same.
Years later, Matilda S. McKinstry would testify: "then came to us [the McKinstry family, including Matilda Spalding Davison) direct an account of the Mormon meeting at Conneaut, Ohio, and that, on one occasion, when the Mormon Bible was read there in public, my father's brother, John Spaulding, Mr. Lake and many other persons who were present, at once recognized its similarity to the "Manuscript Found," which they had heard read years before by my father in the same town." This is a garbled account of what actually happened. Although D. P. Hurlbut had been a Mormon, he was excommunicated at this time. The lecture Hurlbut gave "at Conneaut, Ohio" was not "Mormon meeting, but rather, an anti-Mormon meeting. "Mr. [Henry] Lake and many other persons who... recognized" the Book of Mormon's "similarity to the 'Manuscript Found,'" may indeed have been present at Hurlbut's New Salem meeting -- but, if John Spalding was then present, it was by design and invitation from Hurlbut, not by accident.
The account later provided by McKinstry is a conflation of the events of two different meetings held in Conneaut township: the Feb. 14-15 preaching of Mormon Elders Orson Hyde and Samuel H. Smith, mistakenly joined with the mid Sept. 1833 anti-Mormon meeting and lecture called by D. P. Hurlbut. It is unlikely that John Spalding (who lived almost a day's travel away, in the Conneaut area of Pennsylvania) was accidentally present at either the 1832 meeting or the 1833 meeting -- unless invited by D. P. Hurlbut to come and speak at the latter gathering.
1833: late Aug.
During the course of his stop-over in the Conneaut region of Ashtabula and Erie counties, D. P. Hurlbut solicits at least five more statements. Unlike the written testimony he obtained a few weeks earlier from John and Martha Spalding, Hurlbut is careful to have dates affixed to this second series of primitive affidavits. Hurlbut obtains the written statements of Aaron Wright, Nahum Howard, and Oliver Smith at this time.
1833: early Sept.
It is possible that D. P. Hurlbut secured the statement of Oliver Smith at the very end of August and then obtained that of John N. Miller at the very beginning of September. Both men lived just across the state line from New Salem, in Erie Co., Pennsylvania. However, if both the dates and place names on these statements are accurate, then Hurlbut found interviewed Oliver Smith on the Ohio side of the border (in August), then interviewed Henry Lake (also in Ohio, but in early September), and, finally, he obtained the statement of John. N. Miller (also in early September), the only statement marked as being taken in Pennsylvania.
If the content of the seven existing statements taken by D. P. Hurlbut at this time (that of Artemus Cunningham may have come later) are full of lies, fabricated testimony, or the effects of faulty memory supplemented by "prompting," then knowledge of the time, place, and order in which they were written down may lead to uncovering further evidence of this dishonesty. On the other hand, if the content of the statements is basically reliable, then the accumulation of that same knowledge may be beneficial in determining the interrelationship of Spalding's "Roman" story and his "Manuscript Found." For, it is well evident that none of these 1833 deponents quote from or describe with any accuracy the Oberlin Spalding manuscript.
1833: Sept.-Oct.
D. P. Hurlbut probably takes a side-trip down to Pittsburgh at this time, returning to pursue his journey on the road east, below the Great Lakes, near the end of October. Hurlbut likely left Buffalo on or about Oct. 31.
1833: Nov. 1-2
Although the exact sequence of events at this point is unclear, it appears that
D. P. Hurlbut next travels by stagecoach (it is becoming too cold for canal boat travel), through Batavia, and arrives in Palmyra, Wayne Co., New York about Nov. 1. If Hurlbut himself believes the testimony about the "Manuscript Found," as written in the Conneaut witnesses' statements, the question must be asked, Why does he stop in Palmyra? If he knows that the testimony is false, then his probable purpose in locating Spalding's writings is simply to destroy them, so that they cannot be consulted and cited as proof against the Spalding authorship claims. If this notion is feasible, then he stops in Palmyra in order to gather at least some minimal testimony hostile and destructive to Joseph Smith's family. On the other hand, if he truly believes the testimony in his statements, then he stops in the Palmyra area to interview people (like Lyman Cowdery) who may have seen or heard something supportive of the Spalding authorship claims. In such a case, the anti-Smith testimony, while perhaps gratifying in some sense, is practically useless to Hurlbut's supposed primary objective on this trip.
1833: Nov. 3-15
D. P. Hurlbut spends almost two weeks in the Palmyra area, soliciting testimony of local residents damaging to the Mormon Smith family. What is strange about this activity and its results is that he either asks about and/or hears nothing connecting Sidney Rigdon with the origin of Mormonism. Rigdon's name had been mentioned in this connection as early as 1830 and in 1831 James Gordon Bennett had conducted interviews in the same area, coming up with testimony purportedly linking the secret activities of Rigdon with the authorship of the Book of Mormon and the birth of the Mormon religion. The testimony D. P. Hurlbut collects is strangely silent on this important point.
1833: Nov. 16-27
There is a 12 day cessation in Hurlbut's taking of statements in the Palmyra area. This is evidently the time when D. P. Hurlbut traveled to the East to obtain Solomon Spalding holographs. On about Nov. 17 or 18, D. P. Hurlbut calls on William H. Sabine in Onondaga Hollow, New York .No doubt Hurlbut had heard, while passing through the Conneaut region, that Spalding's widow had lived in this part of the state between 1817 and 1829 and that her possessions had once been in the William H. Sabine home. If so, he is disappointed to find that none of Spalding's writings remain in Sabine's keeping. Even so, Hurlbut's visit with Sabine (an admitted anti-Mormon who had probably read some in his late brother-in-law's manuscripts) is not a total waste. D. P. Hurlbut obtains from Sabine directions to the widow's residence in western Massachusetts, as well as a letter of recommendation, written by Mr. Sabine and requesting that the widow loan Hurlbut her husband's old writings.
1833: Nov. 21-22
At about this time D. P. Hurlbut arrives in Monson, Hampdon Co., Massachusetts and calls upon Matilda Spalding Davison at the home of her son-in-law, Oliver W. McKinstry. Here he finds only some stray papers of Solomon Spalding's -- no fictional historical manuscripts. This must have been a disappointment to the anti-Mormon researcher, but he was fortunate enough to obtain a letter from the widow (Mrs. Davison), requesting that her cousin's husband, Mr. Jerome Clark of Hartwick, New York, loan him some of Solomon Spalding's old writings, which the widow had left behind in Clark's keeping.
Having taken so many pains to obtain testimony in the Palmyra area, it seems very strange that D. P. Hurlbut did not bother to solicit similar testimony from Mr. Sabine, Mrs. Davison, Mrs. McKinstry, or members of the Jerome Clark family. It is possible that he did procure statements from these people, about their recollections of Solomon Spalding and his writings. But, if so, such testimony has never been mentioned or otherwise documented; not even in the slightest instance. The closest thing to it may be a few odd remarks, attributed to Mrs. Davison in Eber D. Howe's 1834 book -- remarks which Hurlbut apparently relayed to Howe but which are also mostly unsubstantiated and somewhat suspect, as to their integrity and veracity
1833: Nov. 25-26
At about this time, D. P. Hurlbut arrives in Hartwick, Otsego Co., New York and calls upon Mr. Jerome Clark. He receives the contents of Mrs. Davison's "old hair trunk" from Mr. Jerome Clark. Exactly what those contents were remains in doubt, but all reliable sources agree that Hurlbut leaves the trunk empty. Apparently Clark fails to make out a list of the various items Hurlbut now takes away with him. Clark may have later written to Mr. Davison and informed her that he gave one of her late husband's manuscripts to Hurlbut, as she had instructed. The question of whether or not Clark wrote such a confirmation is raised by the ambiguity of the words in Mrs. McKinstry's 1880 statement: "We [Mrs. Davison and Mrs. McKinstry] afterwards heard that he [D. P. Hurlbut] had received it [the "Manuscript Found"] from Mr. Clark, at Hartwicks, but from that time we have never had it in our possession." It remains uncertain whether her words, "from Mr. Clark," indicate that Jerome Clark sent the confirming message -- but, probably it was not him. More like it was D. P. Hurlbut who wrote to Mrs. Davison. She herself seems to say this (see ahead: Jan. 31. 1834).
1833: Nov. 26-30
D. P. Hurlbut, now in possession of Spalding's old "Roman" story manuscript and other items from Spalding's personal papers, travels from Hartwick to the Palmyra region of western New York. Years later a very dubious claim would be published, saying that William H. Sabine was with Hurlbut when he obtained the documents in Hartwick. Actually, there is no reliable evidence to support the notion that he was with Sabine at this time, or that he stopped to consult with Sabine as he passed through the Syracuse area. While traveling by stagecoach through central New York state, Hurlbut no doubt examines the Spalding writings now in his possession very carefully. It is likely that what he now has somehow influences is actions when he arrives back in the Palmyra area and resumes interviewing more old neighbors of the Joseph.
1833: Dec. 1-12
D. P. Hurlbut continues to solicit statements about the Joseph Smith family in the Palmyra area. While he is doing this, Josiah Jones, one of his anti-Mormon associates back in Kirtland, writes to Hurlbut at Palmyra and advises him to quickly return to Geauga Co. and present his research findings to the "Committee" of anti-Mormons who financed most of his expedition to the east.
Hurlbut receives this message a few days later and passes it along to the editor of the local Wayne Sentinel, who prints it on Dec. 6, under the title "The Mormonites."
1833: Dec. 13
D. P. Hurlbut prepares to leave town for Ohio, but before he departs he composes and delivers a news release for the editor of the Wayne Sentinel, requesting him to say that Hurlbut had "succeeded in accomplishing the object of his mission..." The article credits Spalding (alluded to but unnamed) as the author of the Book of Mormon. Although Hurlbut has taken no known testimony during this trip that links Sidney Rigdon to the origin of the Book of Mormon, he nevertheless credits Rigdon with the final authorship (or editorship) of that volume, saying: "The original manuscript of the Book [of Mormon] was written... by a respectable clergyman... but the author died soon after it was written... The pretended religious character of the work has been superadded by some more modern hand -- believed to be the notorious Rigdon. These particulars have been derived by Dr. Hurlbert [sic] from the widow of the author of the original manuscript."
If D. P. Hurlbut fabricated (or helped fabricate) the purportedly false testimony of the Conneaut witnesses, then it is odd that he waited so long to match up the name of Sidney Rigdon to the "pretended religious character" of Spalding's "Manuscript Found." Assuming for a moment that the Conneaut witnesses' testimony was false, where they speak of the "religious" parts of the Book of Mormon not being present in the "Manuscript Found" they knew of, it would seem that it would have been to Hurlbut's advantage to add in the name of Sidney Rigdon to their statements then and there. The announcement of Hurlbut's having "succeeded in accomplishing the object of his mission" is very closely followed in his news release by the Book of Mormon authorship information and it can only be taken to mean that Hurlbut had succeeded in proving that the "respectable clergyman," Spalding, wrote the book (or, at least the non-religious parts of it). The question must be asked, What was Hurlbut's proof -- certainly not the New York statements he had taken; and certainly not the fragmentary verbal testimony he later passed on from Spalding's widow; and certainly not the Oberlin "Roman" story manuscript. None of this is proof -- nor do the known extant Conneaut witnesses' statements add up to incontrovertible proof. "Incontrovertible proof" would have been the "Manuscript Found," certified to be a pre-1828 holograph of Solomon Spalding.
1833: Dec. 20
D. P. Hurlbut's press release regarding the authorship of the Book of Mormon is finally published in the weekly Wayne Sentinel. Reprints and paraphrases of these extraordinary allegations soon circulate among curious readers far beyond the limits of western New York. By this time Hurlbut has already left Palmyra on the stagecoach and is perhaps arriving back home in Kirtland.
1833: c. Dec. 20-21
D. P. Hurlbut returns home to Kirtland and conducts several public lectures in the area. During these meetings he exhibits a manuscript entitled "Manuscript Found," which resembles the Book of Mormon text and which Hurlbut attributes to the pen of Solomon Spalding. He also meets with the anti-Mormons who funded his research and exhibits to them what he claims is Spalding's "Manuscript Found," as well as Spalding's unfinished "Roman" story.
1833: c. Dec. 21
Hurlbut threatens in public to destroy Mormonism. The ill-chosen words of his vengeful tirades are taken by the Kirtland Mormons as direct threats against the life, well-being, and property of their leader, Joseph Smith, Jr. About this same time D. P. Hurlbut swears out a complaint with a Justice of the Peace (probably in Painesville), against Joseph Smith, Jr., alleging physical assault by the Mormon leader. Assuming that his complaint was based upon a real assault (Joseph Smith, Jr. was known to engage in such behavior when sufficiently aroused) it is possible that the incident occurred in Kirtland, between the Kirtland Temple building site and the Methodist meeting-house, after Hurlbut's lecture there was concluded. Although it is pure speculation, it is also possible that Elder Martin Harris attended the lecture, was present during the scuffle afterward, and dismissed the Kirtland constable (called to break up the fight) by telling him that Smith had been drinking -- that he even drank too much in the days when he was "translating" the Book of Mormon. At least Harris was brought before a meeting of the Kirtland Council a few weeks later for having been involved in some such affair. It is not known whether or not the Justice of the Peace who supposedly took Hurlbut's complaint on this occasion ever made out a warrant for Smith's arrest.
1833: Dec. 21
Joseph Smith, Jr. registers a complaint with Kirtland Justice of the Peace, John C. Dowen, against Hurlbut, for threatened murder. It is likely that Smith files his charge at this time based upon the same presumed incident in Kirtland as motivated Hurlbut to register a complaint against him.
1833: Dec. 27
Justice of the Peace Dowen records Smith's complaint in his docket book. He probably issues a warrant for Hurlbut's arrest at about this same time.
1833: c. Dec. 28-29
D. P. Hurlbut avoids arrest in the Kirtland area by traveling to Conneaut township, Ashtabula Co., Ohio. There he exhibits the unfinished "Roman" mound-builder romance to several of Spalding's old neighbors. He gets confirmation from Aaron Wright, Oliver Smith, John N. Miller and others that the handwriting in the "Roman" story is that of Solomon Spalding. He apparently does not attempt to exhibit there the alleged "Manuscript Found" that he had displayed in and around Kirtland.
The question arises, If Hurlbut has both a copy of Solomon Spalding's "Manuscript Found" and Spalding's
"Roman" story in his possession at the end of December, why does he take only the latter document with
him to be certified by the Conneaut witnesses? It seems very strange that he would first exhibit "Manuscript
Found" in public, and then, only a few days later, suppress such remarkable evidence from the knowledge of the
very witnesses who gave him the information necessary for him to go and track it down in New York. There are
three possible explanations for this strange activity by D. P. Hurlbut: (1) He never had a real "Manuscript Found"
in Solomon Spalding's handwriting -- what he exhibited in and around Kirtland was a forgery or a misrepresented
document; (2) He had the real "Manuscript Found" a few days earlier, but no longer possessed it by the end of
December; (3) He had the real "Manuscript Found" but hid it away from the public following a major change in his
plans -- a change that came over him at about the same time the warrant was issued for his arrest.
c. 1833: Dec. 29-30
Aaron Wright and others tell Hurlbut that Solomon Spalding informed him that the unfinished "Roman" story had been written by him for his own amusement. Some of them say that Spalding then altered his plan and began writing a different story, giving a fictional history of the first settlement of America. They tell Hurlbut that Spalding altered his first plan of writing, by going farther back with dates and writing in the old scriptural style, in order to make his second story appear more ancient. Spalding's neighbors see no resemblance between the "Roman" story and Spalding's second, "Manuscript Found" story, which they had previously testified read much like the Book of Mormon.
1833: Dec. 31
Aaron Wright provides the visiting D. P. Hurlbut a letter for his anti-Mormon associates -- explaining the relationship of Spalding's "Roman" story to his second story, the "Manuscript Found." Hurlbut leaves a draft copy of the letter with Wright and takes the final draft to his anti-Mormon business partners in the Kirtland area. What became of the final draft remains unknown; a rough draft was retained by Aaron Wright, passed down into the family of his son-in-law, and was donated to the New York Public Library in 1914.
The letter written by Aaron Wright was probably intended for a member of the "committee" of anti-Mormons which had financed Hurlbut's research travels in the east. No matter which member of that committee first read this message, its effect would have been devastating to that group's plans -- all the Conneaut witnesses could certify to was a Spalding story that seemed to have nothing in common with the Book of Mormon. It seems probable that Hurlbut either temporarily suppressed this letter from the anti-Mormon committee, or that he offered some excuse whereby he was able to defer producing the "Manuscript Found" and having it certified in the same way the handwriting of the "Roman" story had been certified. Had Hurlbut handed over this letter at the beginning of 1834, it is very doubtful that the anti-Mormon committee members would have supported him in his Jan. 13-15 pre-trial hearing (by supplying James A. Briggs as his attorney) or would have worded their "To the Public" newspaper announcement as they did (see ahead: (Jan. 31, 1834).
1834: Jan. 4
D. P. Hurlbut returns to the Kirtland area and is arrested upon the Dowen warrant, issued in response to Joseph Smith, Jr.'s complaint. He is arraigned before Painesville Justice of the Peace William Holbrook, but the hearing is postponed for two days. Hurlbut is taken by Kirtland constable Stephen Sherman to Kirtland township, and held there in custody for two days. The population of Kirtland village at this time is perhaps more than half LDS. While it may be an exaggeration to say that D. P. Hurlbut is handed over to the Kirtland Mormons, his experience there is a miserable one. Where Hurlbut's research materials are stored during his confinement is not know -- possibly he placed them temporarily in the keeping of John C. Dowen -- years latter Dowen would testify that he read through this material, including the copy of the "Manuscript Found" Hurlbut supposedly recovered.
1834: Jan. 6
Constable Sherman again appears before Judge William Holbrook with Hurlbut in custody. The hearing is postponed a second time, to Jan 13, 1834, in Painesville. Hurlbut is placed in transferred from the Kirtland Constable, into the custody of Constable A. Ritch of Painesville. It is possible that he was placed under house arrest, rather than jailed during the waiting period. It appears that Hurlbut still enjoyed the confidence of the anti-Mormon committee at this point. One of their members, James A. Briggs, takes on the task of being Hurlbut's legal counsel for the upcoming hearing.
Hurlbut probably uses the situation he is now in to delay handing over the promised "Manuscript Found" to the anti-Mormon committee. It is also probable that some of its members were beginning to fear that Hurlbut was a very unsavory character -- one who might take all the money they had given him and turn over practically nothing in return.
1834: Jan. 13-15
D. P. Hurlbut's hearing in Painesville, Ohio (before two Justices of the Peace), finally begins. Apparently the substance of Hurlbut's complaint against Smith is noticed by the court and considered in combination with Smith's complaint against Hurlbut; this unusual action perhaps requires that there be two judges in attendance. James A. Briggs acts as Hurlbut's attorney, while William H. Bissel, Esq. is Smith's lawyer, as is usual in such cases. Several of Smith's supporters testify against Hurlbut, and (perhaps somewhat unexpectedly on the part of the judges) sufficient evidence is produced against Hurlbut to make it mandatory that he appear before the Ohio Court of Common Pleas, to be held at the county seat at the end of March. Hurlbut is perhaps restricted to Painesville township, under the original arrest order. There is no record of his being released under a monetary bond at this time, so he is probably remanded into the custody of one of his more reputable associates.
1834: Jan. 18
The Ohio Guernsey Times reprints D. P. Hurlbut's news release from the Dec. 20th issue of the Wayne Sentinel, accompanied by no editorial comments. This is perhaps an indication that he is engaged in no activity worthy of mention in the newspaper.
1834: late Jan.
At this point D. P. Hurlbut no doubt gathers together his anti-Mormon search materials for quick disposal. If he ever had the real "Manuscript Found" in his possession he almost certainly no longer retains it now. If he has really been writing his own anti-Mormon book he finalizes the contents now, perhaps eliminating a lengthy section about the "Manuscript Found." Actually, Hurlbut's "book" probably consists of little more than his research notes and the various statements solicited from witnesses in Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New York. The only Spalding writings he has now is the "Roman" story and a couple of stray personal papers. Still, there is no evidence available that indicates that Hurlbut had yet handed over to anyone the Dec. 31 Aaron Wright letter or other certification documents he may have previously procured.
1834: Jan. 31
The Painesville Telegraph prints a notice, entitled "To the Public," in which local anti-Mormon committee members pledge to publish Hurlbut's research and to present positive evidence linking Solomon Spalding to the authorship of the Book of Mormon. There is good reason to believe that this is the point at which Hurlbut finally loses the confidence of this committee. He does not turn over to them any Spalding manuscript resembling the Book of Mormon and perhaps the only certification they see now is the useless Dec. 31 Aaron Wright letter. The committee kills the notice in the Painesville Telegraph; it runs on Feb. 1, but after that no further mention of the committee or its announced projects ever appears in any Ohio newspaper.
1834: early Feb.
D. P. Hurlbut, still under order to appear before the Ohio Court of Common Pleas in about 60 days, separates himself from the local anti-Mormons' efforts to publish a book exposing the true origin of Mormonism. His financial aid from that group has dried up, so he turns his research materials over to Eber D. Howe, editor of the Painesville Telegraph, for $50 and a promise of 500 copies of the anti-Mormon book Howe intends to publish. Although E. D. Howe would later say that he had instigated or supervised Hurlbut's research activities, it seems that the two men never worked together. Howe attended one of Hurlbut's lectures, before the Feb. 4th arrest, but he was not a known member of the anti-Mormon committee. His own plans for an anti-Mormon book may have not been firmly established when Hurlbut appeared in his office and offered to give Howe all his findings.
E. D. Howe now receives Spalding's "Roman" story, an unfinished old letter of Spalding's, and a collection of affidavits and testimony statements from Hurlbut. There is no "Manuscript Found" among the materials transferred to Howe -- or, if there was, neither Howe nor Hurlbut ever admit to it. The more realistic scenario for this exchange is that Hurlbut allows Howe to glance at the "Roman" story manuscript, inspect the certification penned in on its last page, and that is all the reading of it he gets -- until he pays Hurlbut the $50. But, if he feels that Hurlbut has cheated him by palming off a totally useless Spalding manuscript along with the rest of the papers, Howe soon gets his revenge. Not long thereafter, E. D. Howe sees a subscription list Hurlbut is passing about, in an attempt to get buyers for his 500 copies of the anti-Mormon book Howe intends to publish. Howe copies down the names from the list and later sells these people their copies from his own stock, before Hurlbut can reach them and deliver his copies for payment.
1834: early Feb.
With Hurlbut's anti-Mormon "evidence" in hand, E. D. Howe employs Esak Rosa to combine that material along with substantial additional copy of his own -- information, allegations, and various bits of anti-Mormon gossip that is largely gleaned from past issues of Howe's own Painesville Telegraph. E. D. Howe does, however, take the trouble to interview the Conneaut witnesses again -- to confirm their testimony and assure himself of the actual events surrounding Spalding's authorship of the "Roman" story -- the only piece of fiction he has obtained from Hurlbut.
For unstated reasons, E. D. Howe neglects to contact Spalding's widow or other useful witnesses to help better
establish the Spalding authorship claims for the Book of Mormon. In fact, Howe does not even make use of all
the statements or affidavits turned over to him by Hurlbut. Practically no truly "new" information is included
in Howe's Mormonism Unvailed when the book is published a few months later. In other words, excluding the old,
anti-Mormon verbiage gleaned from sources like past issues of the Telegraph, and excluding the statements
and allegations D. P. Hurlbut had already disclosed to the public in his Dec. 1833 lectures, Mr. Howe seems to
have published very little else that was especially damaging to the Kirtland Mormons. He may have avoided
contacting Spalding's widow, for fear she would bring hostile action against him for not being able to return
the "Manuscript Found" she believed Hurlbut made off with. Or, he may have written down a few notes describing
the "Roman" story and then lost track of it in the clutter of his office -- being unable to locate the document
he is too embarrassed to contact the widow, even to solicit more information potentially helpful to the success
of his planned book.
1834: Apr. 9
D. P. Hurlbut and Joseph Smith, Jr. appear before the court of common pleas in Chardon Ohio, After the hearing of testimony, the court orders Hurlbut to post the sum of $200 assuring his promise to keep the peace (in regard to any actions against Joseph Smith, Jr.) for the term of 6 months.
1834: Apr. 27
Hurlbut marries Maria Woodbury in Kingsville, Ashtabula Co., Ohio. The man is not known to ever involve himself in any anti-Mormon activities thenceforth.
1834: June
D. P. Hurlbut and his bride move to Erie Co., Pennsylvania, leaving behind the Spalding "Roman" story and Hurlbut's other materials with E. D. Howe in Ohio. Hurlbut subsequently makes no known attempt to get Howe to return Spalding's papers to his widow in Massachusetts. It was probably at about this time that Spalding's widow first writes to Hurlbut, inquiring as to the fate of her trunk's contents. She never receives an answer from him.
1834: Summer and Fall
E. D. Howe begins printing his Mormonism Unvailed. He probably runs off a few pages here and there, whenever he has free time. A substantial portion of the print run is left unbound for another five years. Mormon official William W. Phelps calls on Howe, urging him to give up the project. Howe practically ceases to publish anti-Mormon articles in his newspaper, but he continues printing Mormonism Unvailed.
1834: Nov. 28
E. D. Howe prints the last signature of his book, the chapter on the Spalding authorship claims. Perhaps he held off in printing this chapter, hoping that some conclusive evidence of those claims would fall into his hands. However, its content is substantially just what D. P. Hurlbut gave him ten months before. Howe advertises the publication of Mormonism Unvailed, with a minuscule ad in the Painesville Telegraph. However, he strangely gives the book no other publicity within the pages of his paper. With the appearance of Mormonism Unvailed, the reading public at last hears about Spalding's "Roman" story. Howe clearly differentiates between that sketchy, unfinished story and the longer, more finished and important "Manuscript Found," as testified to by Spalding's old neighbors.
1834: early Dec.
Howe begins sales of his book, utilizing a copy of D. P. Hurlbut's subscription list that he obtained surreptitiously. Howe sends 500 of the books to Hurlbut in Erie Co., Pennsylvania. Hurlbut is unable to dispose of the books and finally sells them for a very low price at an auction.
1835: Jan. 1
Eber D. Howe gives up the editorship of the Painesville Telegraph and turns over control over to M. G. Lewis, first as assistant editor and then as managing editor. Soon afterward E. D. Howe turns the ownership of the paper over to his brother Ashel Howe, Through his brother, E. D. still retained a financial interest in the paper. In 1836 Edward Jacques would become editor, with Ashel Howe continuing on as publisher. During this period Spalding's "Roman" story apparently remained forgotten on the shelves of the printing office.
1835-36
Spalding's widow no doubt obtains either a copy of Mormonism Unvailed or a detailed account of its contents. Hurlbut apparently writes her a brief letter, saying that the Solomon Spalding writings he recovered did not read as he had hope they would, and that none of them would be published. She realizes that E. D. Howe (who mentioned her late husband's "Roman continues in his book) must now be in possession of Solomon's writings. The widow repeatedly applies for the return of her husband's manuscripts, but she receives no reply from Howe. In later years Howe would inform questioners that Spalding's "Roman" story had been probably been destroyed in a fire in the printing office.
1836-38
The Painesville Telegraph editorship passes from Mr. Jacques to a Mr. Hanna. E. D. Howe retains his financial interest in the business.
1839
Philander Winchester and Lewis L. Rice take over the Painesville Telegraph, with Rice assuming the editorship. Rice is unaware that, along with all the other material in the office, he is receiving the neglected Spalding "Roman" story.
1840s
L. L. Rice leaves the Telegraph and eventually settles in Columbus Ohio, working first as the private secretary to Governor Chase and later as the state supervisor for public printing. Rice becomes active in anti-slavery issues and eventually moves to Oberlin, Ohio, a hotbed of abolitionist activity and an important stop along the "underground railway" ex-slave trail.
1840
Benjamin Winchester, a Mormon elder, publishes The Origin of the Spalding Story in Philadelphia. In this booklet Winchester provides first-hand remembrances of Hurlbut's early anti-Mormon activities. He tells that while Hurlbut was on his LDS mission to Erie Co., Pennsylvania, he learned of Spalding's writings from a Mr. Jackson. Jackson (apparently Lyman Jackson) recalled one of Spalding's manuscripts as being "a very small work, in the form of a novel... an account of a race of people who originated from the Romans, which Mr. S. said he had translated from a Latin parchment that he had found," Here Winchester roughly describes the mound-builder story but adds no information beyond what he might have easily read in E. D. Howe's 1834 summary of the story.
1842
Jonathan Baldwin Turner's Mormonism in All Ages is published in New York. In his book Turner quotes both Howe and Spalding's widow -- telling how Solomon Spalding's "Roman" story was recovered from Mr. Clark's residence; how Spalding altered his writing plan and produced the "Manuscript Found," etc. On pp. 212-214 of his book, Turner offers the unique theory that Spalding's "Manuscript Found" was stolen by Joseph Smith, Jr. from the "old hair trunk" at Hartwick, some time between its being moved there (late 1830) and Hurlbut's arrival on the scene (late Nov. 1833). Professor Turner here appears to overlook the fact that Joseph Smith, Jr. had some (or all) of the Book of Mormon text in his possession as much as three years before Matilda Spalding Davison moved her belongings from Cooperstown to Hartwick. However, he leaves himself a loophole in the chronology by saying, " The trunk and manuscripts were, then, in this vicinity from 1820 to 1832 [sic], and of course during the four years of Smith's life, on which he is so silent, as it regards himself. He was, in reality, loitering about these regions, as we learn from other sources." If, then, Turner's proposition is to be taken seriously, the theft of her husband's manuscript must have taken place during Mrs. Davison's residence in or near Cooperstown with Mr. John Davison. If this was the case, it must necessarily invalidate the 1880 testimony of Nancy Brace Clark, who said she read parts of the "Manuscript Found" at Hartwick during the spring of 1831.
1851: June
In an article, entitled "The Yankee Mahomet," an
anonymous writer cites Spalding's widow as the source for a story similar to the speculation offered by
Jonathan B. Turner in 1842 -- saying that the "Manuscript Found," may have been stolen from Spalding's widow
long before D. P. Hurlbut came to borrow it. The reporter says: "She {Matilda Spalding Davison] remembers,
however, that the above-mentioned trunk contained quite a number of writings, at the time when she left it at
Onondaga hollow; and although no one was known to have visited it between 1817 and 1832 [sic], it was found,
by examination in the latter year, to contain but one manuscript, and that unimportant. The fact that Smith was
near this vicinity and engaged in questionable business at the time, during which his revelations were in course
of preparation, seems therefore, in connection with the others above mentioned, to show that he himself purloined
the manuscript." This conjecture offers a most unlikely explanation of things. It calls for a very young Joseph
Smith, Jr. (eleven years old in 1817; thirteen when the widow remarried and moved to Otsego Co. in 1820) to
steal a manuscript which he apparently had no particular use for, at a time when his reading ability was no
doubt too undeveloped to even comprehend its contents. Nevertheless, the suspicion that Smith stole the manuscript
during these early days was, apparently, part of the tradition in the Spalding family -- Ellen E. Dickinson
picked up this notion and made it part of her 1885 book.
1855: Jan. 6
Josiah Spalding, Solomon's brother, writes a letter to Rev. George Chapman for the Solomon Spalding entry in Chapman's 1867 book Sketches of the Alumni of Dartmouth College. Chapman uses some of the information in Josiah's biographical sketch of Solomon but does not print his description of his late brother's "Roman" story. Josiah's statement is later printed in full in Samuel J. Spalding's 1872 Spalding Memorial.
In his letter to Chapman, Josiah tells of a visit he made from Richfield New York to New Salem, Ohio to visit Solomon shortly after the beginning of the War of 1812. This could have been any time after Nov., 1811, but was most likely happened during the spring of 1812. When he reached New Salem Josiah found his debt-ridden brother "unwell and somewhat low in spirits." Josiah tells that Solomon had recently begun to compose an historical novel that was still unfinished when Josiah visited. He then gives a description of the story, describing in considerable detail the opening chapters of the "Roman" story. Josiah says that several years later Solomon's widow informed him that her husband concluded his story, telling of a war in which the savages destroyed the ancient American mound-builders.
This late recollection of Josiah's is remarkable. He remembered the essentials of the "Roman" story, after only a brief exposure to it; and this memory remained intact decades later. Josiah's feat of literary memory demonstrates a very important fact. Major criticism has been leveled against Spalding acquaintances in the Conneaut region, by some historical writers who assert that their memories of the details of Spalding's "Manuscript Found" are very unreliable, twenty years having passed between when they heard the story and when they gave their testimony. Josiah's statements shows that good recall of the details of a Spalding story could be retained in the memory of his readers or auditors for many years after they encountered his fictional writings. Josiah is even careful to note that the particular story he saw was not about the Jews (or tribes of Israel). He gives many details not provided in the Howe's 1834 summary. He had no access to the "Roman" story itself, which was then in the unwitting possession of L. L.. Rice. If Josiah could remember the details of a certain Solomon Spalding fictional work so well, after 40 years, why couldn't other witnesses be trusted to retain similarly reliable memories, after the passage of only 20 years?
1859: May?
Lewis L. Rice's daughter, Mary S. Rice graduates from Oberlin College, practically the first major U. S. college to graduate female students. After graduation she marries Dr. John M. Whitney and moves with him to Honolulu, Hawaii. During this time L. L. Rice was living in the Oberlin area and probably had the Spalding "Roman" story with him, among his belongings.
1859-78
A 20 year period with no known special developments in regard to the "Roman" story manuscript Mr. Rice
unknowingly had it with him in Ohio.
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A Chronology of the
Oberlin Spalding Manuscript
Part Two: 1879-1884
1811-1878
1884
1885
1886
1887-1899
1900 on
1879
Following the death of his wife, Lewis L. Rice moves from Ohio to Honolulu, Hawaii and lives with his daughter
and her husband. When he moves he unknowingly takes along Spalding's "Roman" story in one of his steamer trunks.
1879: Aug. 19
Robert Patterson Jr. secures permission from Solomon Spalding's heir(s) and visits D. P. Hurlbut in Gibsonburg,
Ohio. Rev. Patterson is unable to retrieve any Spalding holographs from Hurlbut, but he does obtain a statement
from the man, regarding his 1833 procurement of the Spalding "Roman" story from Jerome Clark. Hurlbut says he
did not read the manuscript materials he obtained from Clark, but took the writings to Painesville and
immediately turned them over to E. D. Howe. The alibi and chronology here given by Hurlbut disagrees with
practically all other known sources respecting his activities during the last weeks of 1833.
Hurlbut says that Howe took Spalding's writings, agreeing to the condition of their eventually being returned
to Spalding's widow, Hurlbut almost certainly lied about not looking at the story and about giving it
immediately to Howe, upon his arrival back in Ohio. Ample evidence exists, showing that Hurlbut exhibited some
of Spalding's writings to several different persons, shortly after returning to Kirtland from the east, in late
Dec. 1833. Hurlbut apparently did not take Spalding's "Roman" story to New Salem and show it to the witnesses
there until the end of December, several days after his return to Ohio.
1880: Feb.
In a letter published in the Pittsburgh Leader, Rev. Robert Patterson, Jr. tells of his visit with
Hurlbut at Gibsonburg and reproduces his written statement.
1880: Apr. 3
Matilda Spalding McKinstry provides a lengthy statement (on her foster father's writings, etc.) for her
relative, Ellen E. Dickinson. Dickinson would later include this statement as part the article submitted by
her to Scribner's Monthly.
1880: Aug.
Matilda Spalding McKinstry's statement (see above: Apr. 3, 1880)
is published in the August issue of
Scribner's Monthly. This article (compiled by Ellen E. Dickinson) publicizes the Spalding authorship
claims to an extent which they have never previously been popularized.
1880: Aug. 3
Matilda Spalding McKinstry writes a letter
to James T. Cobb of Salt Lake City, in which she says: "Hurlbut may have received in addition to "Manuscript
Found" some fragment tied up with the bundle, which fragment he passed over to Mr. Howe, retaining the one
[manuscript] of real importance for personal use.... I feel that any communication from my self to "Mr.
H[urlbut]" -- would be of no avail. If he stole the papers, he would not criminate himself by owning it." This
sentiment reflects the continuing view of the extended Spalding family in those days -- that D. P. Hurlbut had
recovered the Manuscript Found" in 1833, along with Spalding's "Roman" story, and that he retained the former
(for sale to the Mormon leaders), while palming off the latter work upon E. D. Howe in Feb. 1834.
1880: Aug. 7
Eber D. Howe writes to D. P. Hurlbut after having received a letter from him. Howe says that the "Roman" story manuscript given him by Hurlbut nearly 50 years before was not Spalding's "Manuscript Found," "but altogether a different manuscript on a very different subject." Strangely enough, Howe also says that he did not receive the "Roman" story into his possession until after he published his book (at the end of Nov. 1834).
1880: Nov. 13
Ellen E. Dickinson interviews D. P. Hurlbut in Gibsonburg and obtains a second statement he made for publication. [1881 Scribners?] In 1885 Dickinson would publish the essentials of her interview with Hurlbut. As is the case much of her anti-Mormon reporting, it cannot always be trusted in its details, but there is no reason to doubt that she did conduct the reported interview.
Hurlbut reportedly tells Dickinson that when he found that Spalding's "Roman" story was not identical to the Book of Mormon (and "amounted to nothing"), he gave it to E. D. Howe. If Dickinson's reporting can be trusted, Hurlbut then contradicted himself by saying he had recovered a Spalding manuscript that contained some Book of Mormon names.
1880: Nov.-Dec.
Mrs. Dickinson visits E. D. Howe at Painesville. She would later report (in her 1885 book) the details of her
interview with him. The Spalding manuscript Howe admitted once having in his possession he says had "no
connection with Mormonism." Howe recalls that Spalding's "Roman" story was left lying around the Telegraph
office for many years. He says he did not know what happened to it -- he was not certain whether it was burned
in a fire, or if he had simply lost track of it.
1881: Jan. 10
D. P. Hurlbut writes up a signed statement for Ellen E. Dickinson. In it he claims not to have examined the
Spalding writings he obtained in New York until after he returned to Ohio (at the end of 1833). According to
Hurlbut, when he finally looked at these writings, he discovered that what he had was not the basis for the
Book of Mormon, but a story "upon an entirely different subject." He says, "this manuscript I left with E. D.
Howe, of Painesville... with the understanding that when he had examined it he should return it to the widow.
Said Howe says the manuscript was destroyed by fire..."
1881: July 26
In a letter written to RLDS Apostle Thomas W. Smith, E. D. Howe says that the Spalding manuscript given him
was not marked "Manuscript Found," was not written in the old biblical style, and was only a story about old
Indian wars. Howe says he thinks that particular manuscript was "destroyed by fire forty years ago."
1882: ??
Boyd Crumrine's History of Washington County is published in Philadelphia. Pages 425-438 are devoted to
"Solomon Spalding and the Book of Mormon," a section written by Robert Patterson, Jr. On page 430 Patterson
quotes from Howe's 1834 summary of the Spalding "Roman" story, making a weak comparison of it to the Book of
Ether. Patterson says "That two plots so much alike should originate so nearly about the same time and place in
two different minds seems incredible." This is arguably the first positive comparison of textual similarities
in Spalding's known writings and the Book of Mormon story. Patterson sends an off-print of this article to
Joseph Smith III, President of the RLDS Church.
1883: Jan. ??
RLDS President Joseph Smith III responds to Robert Patterson, Jr. by publishing his "The Spaulding Story
Re-examined," first in the Church newspaper and then as a separate tract. On page 9 he quotes E. D. Howe on the
contents of the manuscript brought to him (by D. P. Hurlbut in 1834) in Painesville. President Smith dismisses
the possibility that the Book of Mormon was based upon any Spalding story. Smith bases his judgment upon the fact
that the reported "Roman" story was the only Spalding manuscript ever discovered and that it bore little
similarity to the contents of the Book of Mormon.
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A Chronology of the
Oberlin Spalding Manuscript
Part Three: 1884
1811-1878
1879-1883
1885
1886
1887-1899
1900 on
1884: early Apr.
While attending the annual RLDS Spring Conference at Stewartsville, Missouri. President Joseph Smith III
reportedly experienced a night-time vision or dream in which he saw "a manuscript... on which were clearly
written the words, 'Manuscript Story.' While Smith would later refer obliquely to this experience in an 1885
letter (see ahead: Aug. 3, 1885), he did not record the particulars of this dream until many years later --
recording them during the second week of October, 1913, not long before his death.
1884: Summer
James H. Fairchild, the third president of Oberlin College (while on vacation in California) learns that his
friends have arranged for him to take a brief sight-seeing trip to the Hawaiian Islands. He takes passage on
a ship for the islands.
1884: Aug. 8
President Fairchild arrives in Honolulu and is provided accommodation in the home of Dr. and Mrs. John M.
Whitney in the suburb of Punahou. He there meets his old friend (Mrs. Whitney's father), Lewis L. Rice, a former
newspaper editor and printer from Ohio, who had once taken a prominent role in the campaign against slavery.
Fairchild asks Rice to locate (and donate to Oberlin College) any old anti-slavery documents he might still
possess. Rice promises Fairchild that he will make a search through the trunks he brought over from Ohio.
1884: Aug. 18-30
President Fairchild takes a side-trip to the island of Hawaii. During his absence Lewis L. Rice searches through
his possessions to locate anti-slavery documents to give to Fairchild.
While conducting this search Rice discovers in one of his trunks an old package in brown wrappers which he had
previously noticed but had never opened. In looking it over he finds that it is a long-forgotten manuscript
story concerning the American mound-builders and certified as being the writing of Solomon Spalding. Rice, who
had been well acquainted with the Mormons in Ohio, realizes the evident connection between this manuscript and
the old anti-Mormon claims saying that the Book of Mormon was a modern, purely human production.
One morning (in late August 1884) Lewis L. Rice informs his daughter, "A wonderful thing has happened to me
today. I have found the Spalding manuscript among my papers, all of which I supposed I had destroyed." For the
next 19 months (until shortly before his death) Rice believes he has recovered the original "Manuscript Found"
which anti-Mormons claimed was the basis for the Book of Mormon. Rice has no knowledge of Hurlbut's having taken
this manuscript in 1833 and given it to E. D. Howe in 1834. Nor does Rice realize that the contents of Spalding's
"Roman" story have already been reported and discussed to a considerable extent in books and articles. His lack
of information in this respect gives Rice a somewhat incomplete and false impression of exactly what the
document is that he now has in his possession. Not until several months later will Mr. Rice gain enough knowledge
on this matter to understand that what he has discovered is not something new and totally unheard of. Rice at
first simply assumes that the "Roman" story was brought to him to publish at some early point in his days as a
newspaper editor and that he had forgotten all about it.
During Fairchild's absence Mr. Rice obtains a copy of the Book of Mormon (probably from the Mormon missionaries
at Laie, on Oahu) and he superficially compares the LDS book with the "Roman" story. Rice sees no significant
similarities between the two works and understandably concludes that they are in no way related. Only a few months
later does Rice mention that he has read through the Book of Mormon more carefully and extensively.
In subsequent developments L. L. Rice would make several statements in letters relating his opinion of there
being no relationship between Solomon Spalding's "Roman" story and the Book of Mormon. Rice's good reputation
as a career newspaper editor and as the person who first inspected the "Roman" story gave his statements the
appearance credibility in the eyes of a reading public, largely uninformed on this topic. Defenders of the
historicity and divinity of the Book of Mormon, of course, found good support for their own views in these
preliminary statements offered by Mr. Rice. His initial views on the nature of the "Roman" story and its probable
identity with the infamous "Manuscript Found" were quickly copied and put into print by the Latter Day Saint
leaders -- as offering solid proof that Solomon Spalding did not write the Book of Mormon. L. L. Rice's
qualifications in making seemingly definitive statements about the "Roman" story, the "Manuscript Found" and
the Book of Mormon were not especially trustworthy. From what he says in his first statements in this affair,
it is clear that Lewis L. Rice had little literary or religious understanding of the Book of Mormon book and
even less knowledge of what the Spalding authorship claims were all about. There is no indication in any of
his early statements that Mr. Rice ever consulted any of the many books and articles detailing the
"Spalding-Rigdon theory" and available to readers in 1884. Indeed, it is improbable that very much of this kind
of literature was within his reach for consultation and study in the isolated and undeveloped Hawaiian Islands.
In his brief comparison of the two texts Rice apparently did not even notice the fact that both the Spalding
story and the Book of Mormon were purported histories of an ancient, light-skinned, pre-Columbian civilizations
which were eradicated in tremendous and incredibly bloody wars with the American savages. Rice did not pick up
on the fact that both works tell similar stories of a providential but threatening stormy ocean crossing that
results in colonization of the New World by highly civilized Old World people. Rice obviously did not make a
very careful comparison of the two texts.
1884: Aug.
At about the same time Rice was pondering over his discovery, a lengthy report was published that detailed the Braden-Kelley Debate held in Kirtland, Ohio earlier that same year. In this published report considerable attention is paid by the two debaters (Rev. Clark Braden and Elder E. L. Kelley) to the so-called "Spalding-Rigdon theory for book of Mormon authorship. Braden had taken note of E. D. Howe's report of the "Roman" story and expressed the view that it was, to some extent, a rough draft for Spalding's "Manuscript Found," a subsequent piece of fiction that closely resembled parts of the Book of Mormon. If L. L. Rice had been able to read the arguments provided by Braden in this newly published report, he would have realized that his supposedly unique find in Hawaii was an already well known Spalding story and that it was considered by some investigators to have an indirect relationship to the Book of Mormon narrative. Unfortunately, the obvious connection between Mr. Rice's remarkable discovery in Hawaii and Rev. Braden's arguments in reference to that same manuscript during the recent debates held in Ohio, did not become a matter of public knowledge for several more months.
In the meanwhile, a series of news releases and supposedly authoritative articles on Rice's discovery in Hawaii hit the public press. All of this publicity and some of its unwarranted effects came about mostly due to the actions of one individual, Mr. Rice's friend, James H. Fairchild. What particular knowledge President Fairchild had of Mormonism, the Book of Mormon and the Spalding-Rigdon theory prior to August of 1884 remains unknown. From a close inspection of Fairchild's known remarks upon these subjects, it appears that his knowledge in this respect was quite limited and that he himself went through a learning process as he attempted to account for what L. L. Rice had discovered at Honolulu. As President of Oberlin College Fairchild was in correspondence with persons throughout the world, including former Oberlin students living in Utah. His contact with and knowledge of the Mormons was likely limited to his personal correspondence and occasional reading in history and religion.
1884: late Aug.
At this time Lewis L. Rice first discloses his manuscript find to persons outside of his immediate family, At some point he shows the work to various Honolulu friends including the Rev, Serene Bishop, the Rev. C. M. Hyde, and Judge McCully of the Supreme Court, Bishop and Hyde were later to write articles on the discovery, Whatever their thoughts on the matter later, at this time they did not influence Rice to believe that his discovery was in any way connected with the Book of Mormon,
1884: Aug. 31
James H. Fairchild, having returned from his side-trip, has a Sunday dinner with the Whitney family, to say "good-bye" and check to see if L. L, Rice has located any anti-slavery documents for him. During a noon-time dinner with the family, Lewis L. Rice tells Fairchild of his manuscript discovery. Fairchild is quite surprised and somewhat elated. He and Rice look the document over and agree that it is a genuine Solomon Spalding production. This conclusion they base mostly upon the certificate D. P. Hurlbut had written in, on the manuscript's final page. Fairchild is scheduled to leave Hawaii the next day and he has only an hour to read through the work. In the short time available for study, Fairchild concludes that the "Roman" story found by L. L. Rice bears no resemblance to the Book of Mormon. Rice had by then procured a copy of the Mormon book and the two men were able to consult that text for some quick comparisons. Fairchild would later say of Spalding's "Roman" story, that he "compared it with the Book of Mormon and could find no trace of identity or even essential resemblance between them." Fairchild would not have an opportunity to continue his one hour's worth of textual inspection for several more months. Lewis L. Rice, on the other hand, continues to have both texts available in front of him for consultation -- he later admits to reading through the Book of Mormon more carefully than he and Fairchild could possibly have done together on Aug. 31, 1884.
Fairchild accepts Rice's notion that the manuscript is totally unrelated to the Book of Mormon. He states at the time: "I spent an hour in looking it through, It bears no resemblance to the book of Mormon, except that it is a rambling story of about the same literary merit, manifestly written by a man of limited education, but some thought, purporting to give the history of the Indians of New York, Kentucky & Ohio -- their wars &c, The book would be a gratification to the Mormons, as putting an end to the story that their book is a reprint of Solomon Spaulding's manuscript."
Neither man seemingly knows anything about the summary of this same Spalding story, given by E. D. Howe in his 1834 book and reproduced over the following 50 years in several other histories of the Mormons. Fairchild and may have been vaguely aware of the general testimony given in 1833 by the Conneaut witnesses, but the two men's awareness of such things obviously did not extend to their realizing that those same Conneaut witnesses had testified that there was a second Solomon Spalding tale of ancient Americans, written in the scriptural style, separate and different from his "Roman" story.
Instead of holding open the possibility of there being some kind of connection between Spalding and the Book of Mormon, Fairchild instead turns to speculating about what "gratification" the Rice discovery might hold for the Latter Day Saints. Probably President Fairchild was then already planning to make a timely public announcement of this unusual find -- an announcement that could be of considerable strategic value to both the embattled polygamist Mormons in Utah and to the less numerous RLDS, whom Fairchild knew from his college's proximity to Kirtland.
1884: Sept. 1
James H. Fairchild sails from Honolulu, leaving behind the anti-slavery documents given him by Rice, to be shipped to Oberlin at a later date. Fairchild probably also then suggested that Rice transfer the newly discovered Spalding manuscript to Oberlin College, along with those same anti-slavery materials. Fairchild returns to the States, having viewed the mound-builder romance for only one hour. It is doubtful he had access to any books or articles on Mormon history or the Spalding authorship claims while making his brief inspection of the "Roman" story the day before. Until he could consult reference sources in a major library (or be supplied with additional information from associates like L. L. Rice), President Fairchild had only his memory and his brief journal entry to rely upon in forming any opinions of what Rice's find really was and what (if any) relationship it might have to the Book of Mormon,
1884: Sept.-Dec.
Rice continues to keep the "Roman" story in his possession. His friends in Hawaii (like the Rev. Charles M. Hyde and the Rev. Sereno Bishop) continue to inspect the curious manuscript, but the discovery is not yet widely reported.
1884: Oct.-Nov.
During this time the Rev. Sereno Bishop writes a fairly objective report on the Spalding manuscript in Rice's possession. For some unknown reason this article is delayed in publication; it finally appears in print over a year later (see ahead: Sep. 10, 1885). Before the end of the year (probably in late Nov.) Lewis L. begins to make a handwritten transcript of the Spalding document. He did not complete this work until about the end of May, 1885. What eventually became of this document remains unknown.
1884: Nov. ?
Lewis L. Rice becomes curious about the D. P. Hurlbut certificate written on the last page of the manuscript. He writes a letter to his son, the Rev. William H. Rice of Addison, New York and asks him to contact someone in Ohio, to determine some facts about the "Roman" story. He tells William about Hurlbut's certificate and its mention of Aaron Wright, Oliver Smith, and John N. Miller. Rice asks his son to confirm these names as being those persons who actually knew Solomon Spalding. L. L. Rice also gives his son the impression that "the best scholars in Hawaii" express no doubt that the manuscript is a Spalding original, that it is written in the "scriptural narrative style," and that it was "similar in style to the 'Book of Mormon,' but is not identical with it in any part."
1884: Nov. ?
Fairchild, having returned from Hawaii to Ohio, announces the Rice discovery at a Congregationalist clergy meeting in Cleveland.
1884: early Dec.
William H. Rice carries out his father's request and writes a letter to the postmaster at Conneaut, Ohio -- the location name mentioned on the first page of the "Roman" story. William H. Rice asks for information on the three persons named in Hurlbut's certificate and provides a little information on the newly discovered Spalding manuscript. By a most opportune coincidence, the postmaster of Conneaut (Mr. Keyes, the son of the Elias Keyes who took over the abandoned Spalding-Lake iron forge at New Salem) is visited at this very time by an investigator of Mormon history, Arthur Buel Deming. Deming had recently served as the moderator in the Braden-Kelley debate on Mormonism, held in nearby Kirtland. At the opening of that debate Deming was retained by the Rev. Clark Braden to travel about the region and gather first-hand documentation on the Mormons. Deming's employment with Braden quickly evolved into a private crusade by the former, to uncover information and testimony which would render a "death-blow to Mormonism." On Dec. 9th, in the course of his continuing investigation, Deming asks Postmaster Keyes to inform him of any information relative to the Mormons which might come his way. Deming departs Conneaut for his temporary residence in Painesville, Ohio. By a strange coincidence, Postmaster Keyes receives the letter sent to him by William H. Rice at this same time. Or, perhaps he had received it a few days before but was only able to locate the letter after Deming left town. This letter Keyes forwards to Deming in Painesville, probably after he had written back to Rev. William H. Rice and told him that the men named in Hurlbut's certificate had once been actual residents of the area.
1884: Dec. 8
President Fairchild' writes his first letter from Oberlin to Lewis L. Rice in Honolulu. Fairchild asks Rice for permission to describe the Hawaii manuscript discovery in a public notice he intends to publish soon.
1884: Dec. 9
Arthur B. Deming, in Springfield, Erie Co., Pennsylvania, calls upon Rachel Miller Derby, the daughter of the late Conneaut witness John N. Miller. Rachel provides Deming with a short statement about her father and D. P. Hurlbut. In it she says: "I well remember D. P. Hurlbut coming to our house about fifty years ago and his telling father that he was taking evidence to expose Mormonism, and hearing him read from the "Book of Mormon." Frequently father would request Hurlbut to stop reading and he would state what followed and Hurlbut would say that it was so in the "Book of Mormon." He expressed great surprise that father remembered so much of it. Father told him that the "Manuscript Found" was not near all of Spaulding's writings..." Rachel's description of the interaction between her father and D. P. Hurlbut is unexplainable if John N. Miller was recalling passages from Spalding's "Roman" story, rather than from what he remembered of the "Manuscript Found."
1884: Dec. 10
Arthur B. Deming, having returned to Painesville from Springfield, receives the forwarded William H. Rice letter. Deming He immediately obtains information from local residents on the old Ohio newspaperman, L. L. Rice, and discovers that Rice had been the editor of the Painesville Telegraph in 1839-1840, only a few years after E. D. Howe had retired from editing the same newspaper. Deming had recently interviewed Howe extensively -- with special reference to the Spalding writings and Howe's brief encounter with D. P. Hurlbut. Deming is thus able to reconstruct the historical connections between Spalding's widow, D. P. Hurlbut, E. D. Howe and L. L. Rice. Deming also guesses correctly that Rice must have obtained the manuscript from Howe fifty years previous. At this point, however, Deming possesses so little information about the manuscript discovered by Rice in Honolulu that he remains uncertain whether the "Roman" story Howe had summarized in his 1834 book is the same thing Rice has uncovered.
1884: Dec. 10
A. B. Deming takes it upon himself to answer the William H. Rice letter to Postmaster Keyes. He informs Lewis L. Rice's son whom the "Hurlbut" mentioned in the 1833 certificate was; that the other names in that certificate were old times residents of the Conneaut area; and his [Deming's] reconstruction of how L. L. Rice must have obtained possession of Spalding "Roman" story. Deming suggests to William that he request his father to send the manuscript at once to the States where Deming can consult its contents. Deming also shares with Rev. Rice the little known fact that "D. P. Hurlbut was a Methodist preacher in Ontario County, N. Y."
Thus, by an amazing stroke of fate, one of the most active investigators of the Spalding authorship claims for the origin of Book of Mormon became among the very first persons outside of Hawaii to learn about Lewis L. Rice's remarkable discovery. The timing of this lucky incident helps explain Deming's subsequent unusually energetic researching of the Spalding claims. He was beginning to believe that he might actually gain access to previously hidden information on Mormon origins -- information potentially destructive to Mormonism itself.
1884: Dec. 13
A. B. Deming learns of James H. Fairchild's involvement in the Hawaii discovery from Rice's letter. Deming writes his first letter to President Fairchild, to informing him his reconstruction of how L. L. Rice originally obtained possession of the manuscript. Deming also makes a most significant assertion -- that D. P. Hurlbut had briefly exhibited a Spalding manuscript in the Kirtland area and that Hurlbut had read excerpts from that manuscript during some lectures he gave in and around Kirtland. Deming claims that Hurlbut compared in public the manuscript he was exhibiting with the text of the Book of Mormon and that the two works were very similar in places. Deming says he has information on this exhibited Spalding manuscript, in regard to its size, description, etc. He asks Fairchild for specifics on the manuscript found in Hawaii.
1884: mid Dec.
L. L. Rice receives a letter from either his son William or from A. B. Deming, informing him that the persons named in Hurlbut's certificate were actual Conneaut residents at the time Spalding lived there.
1884: mid Dec.
Arthur B. Deming informs Eber D. Howe at Painesville of the Honolulu discovery. Deming would later report this conversation thusly: "I told Mr. E. D. Howe that word had been received from the Sandwich Islands that Spaulding's manuscript from which the "Book of Mormon" was made... Mr. Howe trembled and became greatly excited... he could not have been much more so if the Sheriff had read his death warrant... I finally read to him W. H. Rice's letter and that relieved his fears, for he said Rice used to edit the Telegraph and he probably [had] Conneaut story, which proved to be correct."
1884: Dec. 29
L. L. Rice receives Fairchild's first letter and sends him a reply. In his first letter to Fairchild Rice gives his friend permission to describe the "Roman" story in the article Fairchild intends to publish. Rice also says he has obtained information from Ohio confirming the identities of the three certifiers of Spalding's handwriting, as named in Hurlbut's certificate.
Rice also says that the Rev. Sereno Bishop had, several weeks since, written an article on the "Roman story"
and had submitted it for publication to the New York Independent, a national newspaper devoted to contemporary
issues in religion. Bishop's article (the first one written describing the 1884 Honolulu discovery and detailing
particulars on the Spalding manuscript) was delayed in publication for a considerable period of time and did not
appear in print until Sept. 10, 1885. Bishop would take an active role in subsequent events concerning the
manuscript while it was still with Rice in Hawaii. Bishop advised Rice not to turn the original over to the local
Mormon elders. He probably also assisted Rice in transcribing a copy of the "Roman" story -- a copy which was
later given these same Mormon elders in Hawaii.
Disregarding the perhaps exaggerated report of William H. Rice (that his father reported it to have a "scriptural
narrative style," and that it was "similar in style to the 'Book of Mormon,' but is not identical with it in any
part"), Rev. Bishop was the first investigator of the "Roman" story text to recognize a few significant
similarities between it and the Book of Mormon. Since Bishop's report of these similarities was delayed in
publication, he had little change to influence the growing consensus of opinion -- a consensus saying that
the texts had no similarities. Bishop even tried to convince L. L. Rice of the presence of these similarities,
(see ahead: April, 1885). Had Bishop's article been published earlier his observations may have had a serious
impact upon popular opinion in this instance. As it turned out, however, other opinions were widely publicized
before his own report (by then very much out-of-date) saw light in September, 1885.
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A Chronology of the
Oberlin Spalding Manuscript
Part Four: 1885
1811-1878
1879-1883
1884
1886
1887-1899
1900 on
1885: Jan. 2
Researcher Arthur B. Deming interviews John C. Dowen in Willoughby, Ohio. Dowen was a Justice of the Peace in
Kirtland in 1833 and early 1834. He was the one who, upon complaint of Joseph Smith, Jr., made out the warrant
for the arrest of D. P. Hurlbut, in late Dec. 1833. In his interview with Deming, Down says: "I heard Dr. P.
Hurlbut... [at the end of 1833] deliver his first lecture in the Methodist Church in Kirtland, Ohio, on the
origin of the Book of Mormon. He said he had been in New York and Pennsylvania and had obtained a copy of
Spaulding's Manuscript Found. He read selection[s] from it, then the same from the Book of Mormon. He said
the historical part of it was the same as Spaulding's Manuscript Found.... I read all of his manuscript,
including Spaulding's Manuscript Found, and compared it with the Book of Mormon, the historical part of which
is the same as Spaulding's Manuscript Found..." Deming probably intended to publish this statement in the third
issue of his Naked Truths About Mormonism. The publication ended with its second issue (see ahead: Apr. 1888)
and Mr. Dowen's statement ended up in Deming's papers at the Chicago Historical Society.
1885: early Jan.
James H. Fairchild publicizes a notice entitled, "Solomon Spaulding and the Book of Mormon" in the Oberlin
College journal, Bibliotheca Sacra for Jan., 1885. In a calculated piece of clever journalism Fairchild
publishes the Rev. Delavan A. Leonard's "Mormonism," essay as a lead article in the same issue. He uses a portion
of Leonard's article as a sort of straw-man, to be knocked-down in Fairchild's own "breaking news" report.
Leonard repeated some of the typical anti-Mormon statements of the times, including the claim that a Solomon
Spalding manuscript furnished the basis for the historical portions of the Book of Mormon. At the point in the
text where Leonard repeats this assertion, the editor at Oberlin inserts a small note informing the
Bibliotheca Sacra readers that President Fairchild has something important to disclose on this very
subject on another page in the journal. It is no coincidence that President Fairchild prints his "breaking news"
a few pages after those in which the Leonard's "Mormonism" piece appears. Fairchild uses Leonard to introduce
the so-called "Spalding-Rigdon theory," and then presents his own pronouncement in a way calculated to produce
a resolute impact upon the minds of the readers. The impression is conveyed that Fairchild is refuting the old
Spalding claims in favor of the something like the traditional Mormon explanation for the origin of the Book of
Mormon. While Fairchild does not credit the book as a divine production, he at least appears to use his
"breaking news" of the 1884 discovery in Honolulu to discredit the most popular non-Mormon explanation of the
book's origin. Thus Fairchild finally carries into effect the incipient machination he first disclosed in his
Aug, 31st journal entry (where he stated that his publicizing the Honolulu discovery: "would be a gratification
to the Mormons, as putting an end to the story that their book is a reprint of Solomon Spaulding's manuscript").
President Fairchild crafts his "breaking news" into a deceptively short (and seemingly objective) notice. The
major point he wishes to make is that "the theory of the origin of the Book of Mormon in the traditional
manuscript of Solomon Spaulding will probably have to be relinquished." In order to substantiate this
extraordinary conclusion, Fairchild tells about his recent visit with Rice, the manuscript discovered during
that visit, and the fact that the document is a genuine Solomon Spalding holograph. Without any reference
whatever to the various published references to Spalding's "Roman" story, Fairchild identifies it with Spalding's
"Manuscript Found," the never published story often alleged to have formed the basis for the Book of Mormon. In
making this unwarranted connection, President Fairchild (perhaps inadvertently) neglects to consider and weigh
the evidence concerning the "Roman" story, as published in the past by E. D. Howe, Benjamin Winchester, Josiah
Spalding, and others. In his announcing this crucial and seemingly conclusive identification, President Fairchild
appears to destroy the entire basis for the Spalding authorship claims -- conveying his verdict that the "Roman"
story resembles the Book of Mormon only in "that both profess to set forth the history of lost tribes."
Fairchild bases his conclusion (that there is no significant resemblance between the "Roman" story and the Mormon
book) upon his assertion that "Mr. Rice, myself, and others compared it with the Book of Mormon, and could detect
no resemblance between the two, in general or detail. There seems to be no name or incident common to the two."
Since Fairchild's 1884 inspection of the manuscript in Honolulu lasted for only one hour (without historical
reference materials at hand for consultation), his Bibliotheca Sacra pronouncement can, at best, be taken only
as his private opinion prior to any scholarly study. But, having constructed his opinion as a sort of footnote
updating ideas expressed in the Rev. Delavan A. Leonard article, Fairchild conveys the strong impression of
being a scholarly expert who has issued his summary of a definitive statement on the merits of the Spalding
claims.
Having so worded and published this important announcement in his college's professional journal, President
James H. Fairchild sets up some personal and professional obstacles in the way of his ever downplaying or
significantly modifying his initial notice of this matter in the scholarly literature. Even so, Fairchild would
subsequently modify his stand on the matter by writing several letters and articles providing additional insight
into his evolving understanding of the Spalding authorship claims and the possible relevance of the "Roman"
story to those claims. In this process of reevaluation Fairchild would eventually reach the point of his having
to admit that some assertions of the Spalding claims advocates might well be valid ones. But even while undergoing
this personal development of further understanding, Fairchild continued to defend the substance of his initial
public notice. In the end, Fairchild hopelessly muddied the waters of Mormon history with speculation that
sounded like scholarship and the attachment of his name to early reports which were never quite overshadowed
by his later admissions. President Fairchild, in so muddying the waters of scholarly knowledge, did indeed give
the Mormons the "gratification" had envisioned as early as his first encounter with the 1884 Honolulu discovery.
1885: Jan. ??
Joseph F. Smith, Second Counselor in the LDS Presidency departs Utah in secrecy for the Mormon mission in the
Hawaiian Islands, traveling under the false name of "Mr. Speight." Later on (in April) he would to meet with
L. L. Rice in Honolulu -- at that time Rice would say: "Mr. Speight came out here from Utah for the purpose of
getting it [Spalding's "Roman" story].... Speight is a man of fine presence, evidently a man of talents and a
man of consequence among his people." In all his dealings with Rice, Joseph F. Smith never informed the old
gentleman of his true identity -- that he was the nephew of Joseph Smith, Jr. Although the facts of the matter
are probably now unrecoverable, it is entirely possible that James H. Fairchild confidentially informed some
Mormons (former Oberlin College students like members of the Snow family, perhaps) of the Honolulu discovery,
during his 1884 return from Hawaii (overland through California and the West) to Oberlin, Ohio. If so, then
perhaps Elder Smith knew of the recent manuscript discovery and L. L. Rice was correct in saying that the Mormon
leader had come to Hawaii "for the purpose of getting it."
1885: Jan.-Feb.
Fairchild's Bibliotheca Sacra notice begins to get public exposure, both from the circulation of that
well-known journal and in reprints of the notice carried by many different newspapers -- the most important of
which was its reprinting in the New York Observer for Feb. 5, 1885. Although other, smaller circulation
papers (such as the Grinnell, Iowa, Herald for Jan. 23, 1885) carried the notice earlier, its appearance
in the Observer kept the news story alive for another month, while even more papers reprinted what the
Observer had published.
1885: Jan. 30
Lewis L. Rice writes his second letter to James H. Fairchild. Rice tells of receiving a letter from Eber D.
Howe of Painesville, who explained how Rice gained possession of Spalding's "Roman" story. Howe asks Rice to
return the old manuscript to him, as he was the person from whom Rice inadvertently received the document.
E. D. Howe had learned of the manuscript discovery from Arthur B. Deming in December of 1884. By this time
Rice had also received the letter Deming had written to his son William and a second Deming letter addressed
directly to him. It was in reading this second Deming letter that Mr. Rice first learned that Spalding's "Roman"
story had long ago been identified as something other than Spalding's "Manuscript Found," the alleged foundation
of the Book of Mormon. In his letter to Fairchild Rice tells him that he cannot understand the reason for so
much popular interest in the 1884 Honolulu discovery. Even though both Deming and Howe realize at this point
that the document Rice has is almost certainly not the infamous "Manuscript Found," both men desire to obtain
the work for further inspection and study. Rice tells Fairchild that he has begun to look over the Book of Mormon.
In reading through the book he still finds that he cannot believe Solomon Spalding could have written such a
thing. What is especially interesting is, that at this point in his consideration of the subject, L. L. Rice
credits the Book of Mormon authorship to Sidney Rigdon, a Mormon leader whom he had known personally, years
before in Ohio. Rice would retain this conviction for the remainder of his life -- and would eventually expand
his opinion to include Solomon Spalding's lost "Manuscript Found" as the major source for Rigdon's
pseudo-scriptural composition.
1885: Feb. ?
Elder "Speight" (alias Joseph F. Smith) arrives in Honolulu on his secret mission. If he knows about Rice's manuscript discovery he does not betray that fact by attempting to contact the old gentlemen immediately.
1885: Feb. 18
Ellen E. Dickinson learns of 1884 Honolulu discovery (perhaps from reading reprints of the Fairchild notice in the newspapers, bit more likely from one of her contacts in Painesville or Conneaut, who heard of William H. Rice's letter of inquiry). Dickinson writes a letter to William H. Rice and asks him if the manuscript discovered in Hawaii was the one associated with D. P. Hurlbut's anti-Mormon activities. She also wishes to know for certain whether it is a genuine Spalding holograph.
1885: Feb. 19
Joseph Smith III receives a letter from R. J. Anthony in Salt Lake City containing a transcript of Fairchild's Bibliotheca Sacra notice. This is the first time that the RLDS leader learns that there is an old Spalding manuscript in Honolulu.
1885: Feb. 21
James H. Fairchild replies in a letter to Lewis L. Rice, offering to preserve the "Roman" story manuscript in the Oberlin College Library, if Rice will send it to him. In a concession which has now generally been forgotten, Fairchild says that he is perfectly willing to allow L. L. Rice to retain legal ownership of the Spalding document. Later, after Rice's death, Fairchild would refuse to live up to this agreement and blocked Rice's heirs from taking possession of the manuscript.
1885: Feb. 21
William H. Rice replies in a letter to Emily E. Dickinson, explaining how the "Roman" story presumably got to Hawaii. He says that his father still doesn't know exactly how he came to possess the document. William mistakenly says the story in Honolulu is written "in Scriptural narrative style." This oversight of the facts must have both confused and excited Dickinson -- until she read the document she could not be entirely certain that it was not the basis for the Book of Mormon. William H. Rice also relays information sent him by his father, saying that Rev. Dr. Hyde, Judge McCully and the best scholars in Honolulu have inspected the manuscript and agree that it is a genuine Spalding holograph. William says the manuscript is "similar in style to the Book of Mormon, but is not identical with it in any part." Although there is some truth in this statement, William does not say whether or not this was then his father's opinion, or perhaps that of one of "the best scholars in Honolulu," (such as the Rev. Sereno Bishop, perhaps). William further informs Dickinson that the manuscript in Honolulu has some Conneaut witnesses' names written in it, along with the name of D. P. Hurlbut's. William may have received some of his information regarding the manuscript directly from one of those "best scholars in Honolulu,"
since it is hard to believe that L. L. Rice himself would have told William that the "Roman" story resembled the Book of Mormon and was written in scriptural style.
1885: Feb. 24
Joseph Smith III writes a letter to James H, Fairchild, asking for facts on the 1884 Honolulu discovery and a copy of Fairchild's recently published notice. While the purpose of the RLDS leader in his writing a letter of inquiry to Fairchild is perfectly understandable, given the circumstances of the day, it is less understandable why LDS leaders were then not also pestering Fairchild with similar questioning letters. Perhaps the Utah leaders felt it was more important that they first attempt to gain possession of the "Roman" story for the Church, before they entered into any dealings with President Fairchild. If so, the question again arises as to whether Elder Joseph F. Smith knew of the 1884 Honolulu discovery before he ever departed for Hawaii.
1885: Feb. 27
James H. Fairchild replies in a letter to Joseph Smith III, telling Smith more about the 1884 Honolulu discovery.
Fairchild says "I compared it with the Book of Mormon, and could find no trace of identity or even essential
resemblance between them." Fairchild also says that he has since learned that another of Spalding's stories
was the one credited as the basis for the Book of Mormon. This fact Fairchild must have first heard from Arthur
B. Deming, though he could have also made the discovery by reading the old books on Mormonism held by the Oberlin
College Library. President Fairchild makes an important modification of his earlier notice by saying to Smith:
"the manuscript which I saw was not the source of the Book of Mormon. As to any other manuscript, I have no
knowledge." Had Fairchild emphasized this point more strongly in presenting his Bibliotheca Sacra notice, he
might have saved himself from considerable future vexation, both personally and professionally.
1885: Feb. ??
Ellen E. Dickinson writes to L. L. Rice in Honolulu and tells him she is Spalding's grand-niece; that she will soon be publishing a book on the origin of Mormonism; and that she desires to obtain the "Roman": story manuscript. If Rice will not send it to her she wants it sent to Spalding's daughter (that is, his adopted daughter, Matilda Spalding McKinstry) who is still living and with whom Dickinson maintains some contact.
1885: Feb. 24
Arthur B. Deming interviews Jacob Sherman in Willoughby, Ohio. Sherman says: "Myself and wife attended Hurlbut's le | |